July 31, 2007

Ecuador first lady asks Belgian officials not to deport mother and daughter to Ecuador

BRUSSELS, Belgium: The wife of Ecuador's President Rafael Correa appealed to Belgian authorities Monday not to deport an 11-year-old girl and her mother back to Ecuador, away from family and friends.

The two_ Ana Cajamarca and her daughter Angelica — were under orders to be deported on Monday because police said they had been living illegally in Belgium for four years.

However, a Brussels court imposed an interim injunction against their immediate deportation after a fresh appeal was made by lawyers for the two.

Geert De Vulder, an interior ministry spokesman, told Belgian media that authorities would respect the injunction and would release the two from custody, pending an appeal.

The two were already on their way to Amsterdam with a police escort to catch a flight to Quito, Ecuador, when the court order was issued.

They were immediately returned to Belgium, De Vulder said.

Their case was taken up by human rights groups and Ecuador's First Lady, Anne Malherbe, a Belgian, who called for an amnesty and for the two to remain in Belgium, where Angelica's estranged father still lives.

The two were taken into custody a month ago and have been detained at an asylum center where they awaited a flight back to Ecuador.

"It is really shocking to see an 11-year-old girl locked up," Malherbe told VRT Television. "I am ashamed to call myself Belgian."

Malherbe visited the two detainees Sunday. "Mother and daughter are traumatized," she said. "This is a terrible case."

Supporters of the mother and daughter claim the two are established in Belgium and say the girl has been going to school for four years, despite never having claimed residency or asylum.

The two, along with the girl's father, came to Belgium in 2003 seeking a better life.

The father split with Cajamarca and is now in a relationship with a Belgian national.

The mother is engaged to a Belgian national and intends to marry soon, after finalizing her divorce with Angelica's father, her lawyer, Valentin Henkinbrant, told Belgian daily De Standaard.

Last week, another court threw out an appeal to stop the deportation. Supporters of the mother and daughter appealed to government ministers and King Albert II to stop the deportation.

Venezuela Onwards! Stuart Munckton reports

10 Mb. 11mins.

Stuart Munckton of Greenleft Weekly talks about the after effects of the denial of licence renewal of CNRT; and some of the astounding spinoff of Venezuela's socialisation program.

Mp3





Venezuela: The struggle for workers’ power

VENEZUELA:
The Venezuelan revolution, led by socialist President Hugo Chavez, has captured the imagination of millions of people around the world with its increasingly successful challenge to US imperialism and US-backed neoliberal policies that have caused widespread impoverishment across Latin America. Since Chavez’s re-election in December on an explicitly socialist platform, there has been a struggle to significantly “deepen” the revolutionary process towards creating a “socialism of the 21st century”. »

Other stories:

Uncomfortable Coincidences

Latest Evidence that Ties Colombia’s President to the Paramilitaries

Colombia’s compliant editorialists refer to the revelations as ‘incómodas coincidencias’ (uncomfortable coincidences). President Álvaro Uribe claims the accusations are ‘insinuaciones malévolas’ (malevolent insinuations) and has, as usual, attacked the messenger, criticising American newspapers, Colombian opposition politicians and even México in an attempt to divert attention from the latest evidence that ties him to the paramilitaries.

The first is a video that shows Álvaro Uribe at a private meeting on 31st October 2001 to organise support for his 2002 presidential campaign. According to the Colombian political magazine Semana, five of the 13 people present were associated with the paramilitaries in the far right AUC militia, and one of them, Frenio Sánchez Carreño, was a notorious narco boss whose militia name was Comandante Esteban.

Comandante Esteban had been complicit in at least 80 assassinations and also the forced displacement of more than 3000 peasant workers, according to Colombia’s DAS intelligence service, whose agents were actively searching for him at this time. He had threatened local journalists as far back as December 2000, and just twelve days before meeting with Álvaro Uribe, he had signed an AUC communiqué that declared union and worker organisers to be ‘military targets.’

The meeting pledged to support Uribe’s presidential campaign, and also other rightist candidates in the 2002 Senate and Congress elections, in the hope that legislation promoted by these politicians would ‘legitimise’ the paramilitaries. These militias succeeded in electing their candidates in 2002 — AUC national boss Salvatore Mancuso has since admitted that intimidation and bought votes, or threats and assassinations, allowed many rightist candidates to be ‘elected’ unopposed — and soon received a payback from the politicians in the form of virtual impunity for their crimes.

The DAS arrested Álvaro Uribe’s supporter, Comandante Esteban, just six weeks after the 31st October meeting, and charged him with aggravated homicide and attempted homicide, among other crimes. For ‘reasons that are still not clear’, according to Semana, and after Uribe became president, he was freed from jail in 2005. Now, as Frenio Sánchez Carreño, the authorities have offered a $5,000 reward for his arrest, accusing him of leading supposedly ‘demobilised’ paramilitaries reprised as criminal gangs.

An interview in México revealed more details about the president’s ties to the paramilitaries. Fabio Ochoa Vasco is a narcotics cartel boss who is one of the United States’ most wanted criminals — he has a $5 million price on his head — and he claimed to Colombian journalists that the paramilitaries’ boss of bosses, Salvatore Mancuso, had financed Álvaro Uribe’s presidential campaign in 2002.

It is suspected that Mancuso, in jail and expecting a lenient sentence while avoiding extradition to the US, has not revealed all about the paramilitaries’ ties to Colombia’s political elite for this reason. Ochoa, lacking Mancuso’s political protection to avoid his fate, has decided to detail his part in the parapolítica scandal in an attempt to be worth more to Colombian investigators and avoid an American jail.

Ochoa claimed that he took thousands of dollars in cash — paramilitaries’ narcotics profits — in suitcases to the capital, Bogotá, to finance rightist candidates in the 2002 elections. He claimed that the paramilitaries and Mancuso contributed $2 million to the president’s campaign, and that he also organised campaigns to intimidate voters in Medellín to ensure Álvaro Uribe was elected.

Mancuso said ‘that the paramilitaries should finance the (presidential) campaign because one of the promises is that there will be a law that should anyone be accused or suspected of being in the paramilitaries, they will be saved,’ Ochoa related, ‘so we made sure that all the votes had to be for Uribe.’ In Medellín’s barrios, people confirmed that the paramilitaries patrolled the streets that election day, demanding to see residents’ identification cards, and warning opposition supporters ‘not to show at the polls if you’re not going to vote for Uribe,’ as one barrio activist recalled.

The third revelation came in another video, this time posted on the opposition Polo Democrático Alternativo internet site that showed another paramilitary boss, Ernesto Báez, acclaiming Uribista politicians in the 2002 elections as ‘his candidates.’ The Colombia Democrática and Convergencia Popular Cívica parties that the paramilitaries supported succeeded in electing Senators and representatives to Congress in 2002, who subsequently went on to approve laws that gave the paramilitaries their virtual impunity.

The Colombia Democrática party was established by Álvaro Uribe’s first cousin, Mario Uribe, and one of the Congress reps that paramilitary boss ‘Ernesto Báez’ supported was the CD’s Rocío Arias. After the connections between the far right militias and the president’s Congressional supporters became known, Arias revealingly said, ‘No-one can blame us if the paras, for ideological reasons, supported us.’

The president responded to all the revelations with characteristic disdain, at first refusing to ‘make comments or give explanations about each photograph or video recorded’ during his political career. As the accusations mounted, he even resorted to criticising the Méxican police for not arresting Fabio Ochoa Vasco, rather than counter the narco boss’s allegations.

In the end the president was forced to make a US President Richard Nixon ‘I am not a crook’ style live television broadcast to all Colombia, claiming ‘I have never abused my position… I never sought to be president using illicit money, and I have never used illicit money to remain as the Republic’s president.’

Editorials and newspaper columnists, rather than investigate further, predictably echoed the president’s line, claiming the most recent revelations were ‘a disgrace’, not because of the details, but because they were published at all. ‘Against Colombia,’ declared the country’s single national newspaper, El Tiempo, commenting on the allegations, and taking up the elite’s favourite tactic of deliberately equating the president with the country in order to curtail debate, continued, ‘the campaign against Colombia is implacable, devastating and unjust.’

‘Implacable, devastating and unjust’ are adjectives that could more appropriately be applied to the terror the narco paramilitaries have inflicted on Colombia in recent times, but ‘a disgrace’ is too complaisant a term to describe a president supported, financed and bought by such terrorists.

Paul Haste is a union organizer from London who is currently living in Bogotá to improve his Spanish. He can be reached at paul.jisv@hotmail.com. Read other articles by Paul.

This article was posted on Saturday, July 28th, 2007 at 5:00 am

July 30, 2007

Brainstorming in the Lacandon: Zapatista Intergalatica Lands on Earth

By JOHN ROSS

Ejido Morelia, Chiapas

In the annals of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), the 1996 "Intergalactica "was a high water mark of international solidarity. Formally dubbed a "Forum In Defense of Humanity and Against Neo-liberalism", the conclave drew 6,000 activists from five continents to the wilds of Chiapas's Lacandon jungle to brainstorm on the growing menace of the corporate globalization of the Planet Earth (the World Trade Organization had just been formulated the previous year). The event is often considered to have been the seedbed for historic demonstrations against the WTO in Seattle 1999 from which the anti-globalization movement blossomed.

The gathering in a jungle clearing on a Zapatista ejido with the haunting name of La Realidad ("The Reality") 11 years ago was nicknamed the "Intergalactica" because in his convocation the rebels' spokesperson Subcomandante Marcos invited all sentient life forms from other planets in the galaxy to participate in the event. "We don't know if they actually came to the first Intergalactica" Zapatista Lieutenant Colonel Moises mused recently, "at least they never identified themselves."

After more than a decade of anti-globalization struggles and World Social Forums, the Intergalactica has literally returned to earth. The scaled-down version of the event pitched as an "Encounter of the Peoples of the World with the Peoples of the Zapatista Communities" to defend indigenous territories throughout the Americas staged July 20-28 at three rebel "caracoles" or public political/cultural centers in Mexico's southernmost state of Chiapas, zeroed in on the land and those who work and live upon it.

Whereas Intergalactica I attracted such literary luminaries as Eduardo Galeano and European intellectuals Yvon Lebot, Danielle Mitterand, and Alain Touraine (Nobelist Jose Saraamgo and Susan Sontag would soon follow), the 2007 edition brought together representatives of poor farmers from 13 mostly-southern countries to swap experiences with Zapatista base communities in the highlands, the canyons, and the jungle of Chiapas, and develop mechanisms for mutual self-defense against the ravages of neo-liberalism.

The privatization of communal lands, the destruction of native crops, and the forced migration of millions of poor farmers constitutes a declaration of "the fourth world war again humanity", Marcos charged in welcoming 3000 activists and Zapatista bases to the caracol "Resistance and Rebellion Before The World" at Oventik in Los Altos of Chiapas.

Much as at last New Year when the EZLN celebrated its 13th year on public display, the interchanges at Oventik, on the Ejido Morelia (the Caracol "Whirlwind of Our Word") and La Realidad ("The Mother of the Sea of Our Dreams") featured presentations by civil Zapatismo (as opposed to the rebels' political-military structure) as local health and education promoters laid out the nuts and bolts of building autonomous communities. Other lay Zapatista leaders delineated the rebels' justice system and how land is distributed and cultivated in the autonomous zones.

In response, farmers invited under the aegius of Via Campesina, an international grouping of millions of poor farmers with affiliates in over 70 nations, spoke to the struggle for land and justice in their own countries. Among the participants: Yudhmir Singh of India's Bartya Kissan Union who described Ghandian civil disobedience by poor farmers to resist neo-liberal agrarian policies foisted on those who work the land, and representatives of the Thai Assembly of the Poor who farm the jungle along the Cambodian border.

First world farmers were represented by George Naylor, outgoing director of the U.S. Family Farm Association, who told the Zapatistas of the resistance of small corn farmers in Iowa to the dissemination of genetically modified seed. Dong Uk Min of the Korean farmers union, invoked the memory of the campesino Lee Kwang Hai who committed suicide at the 2003 World Trade Organization assembly in Cancun.

From further south, Soraya Soriana, a leader of Brazil's militant Movimento Sem Terras (MST) and speakers from Venezuela's Wayuu nation cautioned encounter-goers against the "neo-imperialist" policies of such left-wing leaders as Lula and Hugo Chavez. The Zapatistas share a similar distrust of Latin America's social democratic left.

The colloquy between farmers in defense of indigenous lands unfolded against an appropriate backdrop of spiring "milpas" (cornfields) and the deep green of surrounding hills at the height of Mexico's bountiful rainy season - uniformed militia men and women in their green and black uniforms seemed almost to organically blend into the abundant vegetation.

The encampments in the caracoles thrummed with conviviality. Nightly cultural presentations brought the campers together under the stars. Nuns chatted with ski-masked rebels and rangy Nordic punksters danced in the mud with pint-sized Mayan companeras while horses grazed placidly in nearby pastures. In contrast to the 1996 Intergalactica when Mexican immigration authorities sought to prevent foreign activists from attending the encounter under threat of deportation, access to the Zapatista zone was unrestricted.

In a world where five live shooting wars dominate front pages with daily doses of death and destruction, and in a country where an infuriated underclass's demands for justice are met by brutal government repression, the Zapatista caracoles for once seem to be pockets of peace.

It wasn't always that way.

During the first days of the rebellion in January 1994, the Mexican military invaded the Ejido Morelia. They forced the men to lie flat on the basketball court, kicking and torturing them for hours under the jungle sun. Three of the community's leaders were taken away and never seen alive again. Their bones were found by hunters months later. No one has ever been prosecuted for the murders.

In classic Zapatista fashion, these gristly events were depicted on a mural painted on the schoolhouse wall here while 13 years later, inside the school, Zapatista women told of how they organize their autonomy.

It has been eight years since the last armed confrontation between the Mexican government and the EZLN but the peace that seems to thrive in the Zapatista autonomous zone, is an uneasy one. Skirmishes over land taken in the 1994 rebellion between Zapatistas and other Mayan Indian campesinos (the rebels characterize them as "paramilitaries") are endemic and thousands of troops continue to occupy sprawling bases at strategic points in the EZLN geography.

A just-issued study by the San Cristobal-based Center for Political Analysis and Socio-Economic Investigation (CAPISE), "The Face of War", indicates that the nature of the occupation has changed in recent years with elite brigades now stationed in the conflict zone reporting directly to Mexico City rather than regional commands. As Mexico joins the U.S.-directed War on Terror, the border region with Guatemala where many key Zapatista autonomous municipalities are located, attract enhanced attention from security forces.

Despite the "Santa Paz" (Sainted Peace) the "Mal Gobierno" (Bad Government) claims to reign in Chiapas, the EZLN remains an armed organization. Certainly, of its two weapons - "El Fuego" (The Fire) and "La Palabra" (The Word) - the latter now predominates. But the fire is not forgotten. "We will never give up our arms or remove our pasamontanas (ski masks) until our demands for justice are satisfied" Comandante David pledged to a packed auditorium to close the Oventik segment of Intergalactica II as the rain fell in sheets outside from the bountiful southern sky.

Note: Intergalactica II was only one of several upcoming international events to be programmed by the Zapatista Army of National Liberation and The Other Campaign in 2007. Indigenous peoples from throughout the Americas will gather next October at Vicam Sonora in the heart of Yaqui Indian Territory, and an all-woman's international gathering is being planned for next December in Chiapas.

John Ross is in Mexico City, plotting a new novella. If you have further information contact johnross@igc.org

“A Voice Cries Out for Justice; May all of Humanity Hear Itself in our Cry”: Elisa

Members of the Morelia, La Garrrucha, and Roberto Barrios caracoles present the work-table topics on Indigenous autonomy: health, education, women, collective work and self governance

By Juan Trujillo, Special to The Narco News Bulletin

July 29, 2007

Morelia, Chiapas, July 21, 2007. The second Encuentro of Zapatista communities and the communities of the world continues on its course in this caracol called “The Whirlwind of our Words” in the Tzojchoj and Tojolabal ethnic region. The activities organized by Zapatista support bases, local and municipal authorities were formally inaugurated last Sunday, before more than two-thousand people, with an opening welcome from Elisa, member of the autonomous municipality Ernesto Che Guevara, Ofelia, member of the Good Government Council (JBG) of this caracol, and Comandante Zebedeo of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation.

Afternoon fell in this corner of the Chiapaneco geography; the cool came down from the two mountains cloaking this rebel space, while militiapersons descended the left hand side of the mountain giving way to members of the Indigenous Revolutionary Clandestine Committee General Command of the EZLN; through the commentary and bustle of the participants the night listened, as Lieutenant Colonel Moises, Comandante Zebedeo, and Subcomandante Marcos made themselves present for the welcoming. Rain and a slight chill intermittently refreshed the visitors from more than 80 countries: hundreds of collectives and social organizations, sympathizers, members of the Other Campaign and adherents of the Sixth Declaration of the Lancandon Jungle (La Sexta).

In one of the chairs, this columnist exchanged words with Oligario, a support base who, since 1987, has actively participated in the movement along with his wife Monica and his family originally from Altimirano. “It is really important for the Sexta and the Other Campaign that people from all over the world,” he explains.

In the pavilion, soldiers, comandantes, and support bases appeared behind Mexican and Zapatista flags. Compañera Elisa, a support base, gave the formal welcome declaring, “these are the rebel territories and with a blazing and rebellious heart we welcome you, you who are here with us, as we walk, writing the history that we deserve.”

Before of an attentive audience, Elisa recognized “the rebellious and conscious individuals” and went on to say, “A voice is crying out for justice, from every place where there is struggle… may all humanity hear itself in our cry.”

For her part Ofelia, member of the Good Government Council, commented with notable emotion, that “the most important thing is to unite our struggles and thoughts against the capitalist system that continues to steal our labor. Our voice and our struggle is one that as we walk we learn and as we walk we teach… so that we can recuperate what the system has stolen from us.” Finally, she asked all the participants for “concentration, respect and discipline in the activities of the Encuentro.”

In the name of the EZLN, Comandante Zebedeo said that the 2, 335 attendees in this caracol come from: “Without nation,” Argentina, Australia, Austria, Basque Country, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Croatia, Denmark, El Salvador, Ecuador, France, Germany, Greece, Guatemala, Holland, England, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Japan, Lebanon, Luxemburg, Mexico, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Norway, Panama, Peru, Poland, Portugal, Czech Republic, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, United States, Uruguay and Venezuela.

The collectives and identities that come together reflect the ample spectrum represented in the multicolor cloth that Comandante Ramona gave to the Other Campaign in September of 2005: Zapatistas, Anarchists, Communists, punks, Libertarians, homosexuals, lesbians, transgender, nationalist organizations from the Basque country and Cataluña, the world organization Via Campesina, other organizations from Latin America, as well as indigenous Venezuelans.

With these words and with a multicolored and popular folk dance the Encuentro activities in this Tzetzal and Tojolabal Zapatista caracol were inaugurated.

Originally published in Spanish July 25
Translation: Tessa Landreau-Grasmuck

July 29, 2007

Zapatista Intergalactica in Chiapas

Julie Webb-Pullman
27 July 2007

Although slated to run on July 20-28, the Zapatista “Intergalactica” gathering really began on July 19 in Tuxtla Gutierrez, with an event in the main square in support of the People in Defence of the Land. Several busloads of Zapatistas from Mexico City arrived to join those already there in demanding indigenous land rights.

The indigenous peoples of Chiapas are traditional owners of large tracts of hardwood forests and there has been an upsurge in attempts to drive them off their land, by fair means or foul. “Fair” means amount to theft through the courts — either paying off judges, ignoring their judgements, or both. Foul means include murder, paying some community members to attack (and often kill) their Zapatista neighbours refusing to sell or leave — such as occurred last November in Montes Azules — or the more usual and ever more frequent kidnappings, beatings, and roadside abandonment.

Even ambulances are not exempt from this treatment — I met a woman waiting outside the Zapatista health clinic in Oventic for follow-up treatment from her recent hospitalisation who had a startling story to tell. The Zapatista ambulance taking her to hospital from Oventic to San Cristobal de las Casas on July 8 was set upon by two truckloads of civilian men, who dragged the driver and health promoter from the ambulance and beat them. The valiant driver and health promoter still managed to get her to hospital, despite their own injuries. She considered herself lucky to have been unconscious at the time, or she too may well have suffered at least as bad, if not worse a fate. In Veracruz in February, for example, Indigenous woman Ernestina Asencio was raped by up to nine soldiers, then murdered — yet another of the growing numbers of indigenous Mexicans murdered with impunity.

As the ambulance incident shows, Zapatista medical personnel are spared neither attack nor imprisonment. As a result of events in Sal Salvador Atenco last May, when thousands of police unleashed a wave of terror, Dr Guillermo Selvas and his daughter Mariana are among 28 of those still being illegally detained. Mariana had accompanied her father to provide medical treatment for student Alexis Benhumea, who was dragged to a house unconscious after being hit in the head by a tear gas cannister fired by the Preventive Federal Police (PFP). When Mariana’s father left the house to find an ambulance for him, after waiting several hours for one to arrive, he was detained and beaten by police. When Mariana went into the street to see what had become of him, she too was detained, beaten, and sexually assaulted. Like the ambulance driver and health promoter, their sole crimes were to be Zapatistas providing medical care. Benhumea did not survive.

The fallout from Atenco is not limited to those still imprisoned. Jorge Salinas (see ) told me that his “case” is still ongoing. His physical injuries have largely healed, although he has permanent damage to his hands. He cannot close his right hand, of which two fingers are immobilised. Like most of those detained, he was eventually charged with blocking a public road, but was later released on 15,000 pesos bail (the daily wage is 50 pesos so that is about a year’s wages).

Salinas must report to an audiencia every 15 days to sign a form, and although in the last month the reporting place has changed and is now a little closer than the prison he has had to report to for the last year, it is still about 100km from his home. He has to be present from 10am until often 11pm at night for this process, and when asked when his case will be finalised, he said there is no end in sight, and it could go on for years. “It is not a legal process, it is a political process”, he said, pointing out that the sanctions will be either a fine or a prison sentence. The only three Atenco defendants to have been sentenced so far received sentences of 67 years, however not one member of the municipal, state, or federal police have been charged, despite the wealth of evidence against them and several national and international human rights reports documenting a litany of abuses.

Although the National Commission of Human Rights made damning comments and produced several recommendations, and the Supreme Court of Mexico subsequently announced an investigation into the events at Atenco, Salinas holds out little hope that anything will come of either. “They are both just part of the total apparatus of the state.” But he also had some good news — the defendants are using every available legal resource and recourse, with several successes. Four amporros found in favour of Magdalena Garcia (who nevertheless still remains imprisoned). Garcia, an indigenous woman selling food in Atenco, was swept up in the events, but her continued detention has more to do with her poltical activism as a member of an indigenous women’s organisation than anything she did at Atenco.

According to Salinas, there are more than 500 political prisoners currently in jail from several states. The tally of Zapatista dead stands at more than 40, with many more imprisoned and disappeared, while the attempts continue on a daily basis to wrest from them control of natural resources such as forests and water.

Unsurprisingly, political prisoners and the protection of natural resources are high on the second Intergalactica Encuentro agenda, receiving special mention in the speech of Zapatista leader Subcommandante Marcos. He concentrated on the problems of indigenous people in Mexico, in particular the Yaqui, who in October will host the Indigenous Encuentro of the American Continent in Sonara.

It is ironic that the year that the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples is opened for signing, the country with the presidency of the United Nations Council of Human Rights is providing such a backdrop of exploitation, forced relocation, repression and death of its own indigenous peoples — almost always with total impunity for the perpetrators.

However, the Zapatistas continue building their communities from below and to the left, and several thousand people have again come from all parts of the world to see firsthand and experience how they are going about it, not least because the only improvements to date in health and educational status reported in Chiapas indigenous communities are in the Zapatista autonomous communities, which provide their own health care and education, as well as dispute resolution systems.

Chiapas Mexico, A relatively Unknown Magical Corner of Mexico

Norm Goldman

Today, Norm Goldman Publisher & Editor of the travel site SKETCHANDTRAVEL.COM is excited to have as our guest, Carl Lee-McLellan who is an expert on Chiapas, Mexico. Carl is here today to share his expertise and experiences concerning Chiapas.

Good day Carl and thanks for participating in our interview.

No problem Norm I'm always exited to talk about southern Mexico and its vast potential for both tourism and eco-tourism.

Norm:

Carl, please tell our readers where is Chiapas Mexico and why is it considered to be Mexico exotic last frontier?

Carl:

Chiapas is Mexico's most southern state. It boarders Guatemala on the southeast, Oaxaca state to the west and to the north it boarders the state of Tabasco.

It is Mexico's least populated state and also it's poorest. Chiapas is populated primarily by indigenous peoples with the Maya making up the largest segment.

In 1996 an indigenous group calling themselves the Zapatistas fought with the Mexican government over their rights to the states vast natural resources.

Prior to the uprising most monies derived from resource extraction left Chiapas and found it's way to Mexico City with very little staying within the state. Since the uprising the political situation has become much more stable and the people of Chiapas have faired better and tourism has gained in popularity with the international community. Understandably the uprising kept tourist numbers low and people are just now learning about this secret spot that is now wide open for exploration and enjoyment.

Norm:

How and why did you become interested in Chiapas?

Carl:

My wife/guiding partner and I had just finished putting the final touches on *Austin-Lehman Adventure's (ALA) Oaxaca Mexico adventure and had some time to explore Chiapas on our own. While we were in Oaxaca we kept hearing two things about Chiapas;

San Cristobal and it's intoxicating blend of Spanish Colonial influences mixed with ancient Maya animism and Palenque with it's proximity to numerous ancient Maya ruin sites and awe-inspiring natural wonders. We spent three weeks on a whirlwind tour of these two areas and decided that this was a place we absolutely had to return to.

A few months later I was helping out at the ALA office in Billings, Montana and Dan Austin asked me, if I were to build a trip anywhere in North America where would it be?

Chiapas was still fresh in my mind and the more I had been thinking about the infrastructure of the state and its ability to offer our guests an ALA top-shelf experience; I had to give Chiapas as my reply.

Dan said that he and Paul Lehman had been looking for new adventures to offer our guests and they were interested in me writing a few pages outlining why Chiapas would make for a great trip. I did and that got the ball rolling. Working with state tourism agencies and local tour operators we ran a two week in-depth scout of San Christobal and Palenque. My wife and I then spent another month in San Cristobal putting the final touches on the itinerary. It was such a treat to be able to explore Chiapas in depth and we look forward to adding other locations and programs in the near future.

Norm:

I understand your arrange trips to Chiapas. Could you tell us something about these trips and what can one expect from such a trip?

Carl:

The trips I guide for *Austin-Lehman Adventures are 8 Days & 7 Nights in length. They begin in Villa Hermosa and end in Tuxtla Gutierrez, both served by reliable commercial air service.

They are equal parts active and cultural. Guests will experience hiking, biking, and take cultural walking tours of Maya villages in the Sierra Madre Sur. They'll tour ruins and pyramids (be prepared to do some moderate step climbing). We'll boat into Sumidero Canyon to observe crocodiles, spider monkeys, cormorants and herons.

There's swimming and exploring the rich blue waters of Agua Azul Falls. And we'll witness up close astonishing frescoes and ornamented building facades, roof combs and impressive stone lintels in the Maya ruins of Palenque, Yaxchitlán and Bonampak and visit a native women's paper making collective and a textile co-op.

Lodging is upscale in distinctive haciendas, resorts and hotels. Everything is included, even the meals which are as authentic to the region as possible. The price for 2007 is $2,998 per person, based on double occupancy. Dates for the remainder of the year are; September 23-30, October 28-November 4 (Day of the Dead Festivals), and December 23-30 (Christmas). The best thing is that we only take 12 guests max with 2 experienced guides and a driver.

For more info contact ALA at 1.800.575.1540 or ONLINE

Norm:

Would you recommend Chiapas as a romantic and/or honeymoon destination and if so why? As a follow up, could you name and briefly describe the most romantic venues in Chiapas?

Carl:

Personally Norm, I find Chiapas incredibly romantic for a number of reasons. Exploration has to be my first reason.

It seems everything one does in Chiapas feels like an exotic experience. Strolling remote Maya ruin sites or Spanish Colonial cobblestone streets one has the opportunity to pop into situations that are unique to most travel experiences.

For example; when we visit the ruin sites of Bonompak and Yaxchilan we are escorted through these sites by one of the lead Mexican archeologists who did some of the initial diggings. His insight and personal wit make this day seem like you are there for the initial excavation.

My six romantic venues in Chiapas would be:

* Exploring the cobbled streets of the Spanish colonial city, San Cristobalde Las Casas, is heady with romance. During the day popping into markets, shops, museums, indigenous artesian co-operatives, street cafes and restaurants, is a colorful and eye-opening way to get a feel for the unique history of this city. Follow this with dinner at one of the many wonderful regional or internationally inspired restaurants, then an unhurried stroll back to your meticulously restored 18th century hacienda.

A quick after dinner aperitif while gazing at the stars from your veranda, before heading off to a comfy bed, finishes the day in excellent romantic form.

*A visit to Agua Azul is a must. This vast system of cascades and waterfalls allows for both spectacular views and the chance to wander up river and find your own little private hideaway. Pick up some lunch to go at one of the many restaurants and unpack your picnic on the banks of a quite pool and you have the makings of a romantic interlude to add to your day of exploring.

*An early morning visit to the ruin site of Palenque. By getting there early you beat some of the day's heat and crowds that show up on buses. The air is generally still and ruins mist-filled. As the sun melts the mist away the Howler monkeys begin their morning serenade. The sounds of the jungle and the howling blended with the spectacle of Palenque, makes for an intoxicating and primordial moment; one that is guaranteed to be talked about for years to come.

*Take a morning boat ride up the Grijalva River into the Sumidero Canyon. The scale of this place is vast. At times the walls of the Canyon soar to as much three thousand feet above the river! We have seen Crocodiles from the boat as well. Follow that with lunch on the Zocalo\town square of Chiapa de Corzo in a bustling local restaurant. The Marimba is a popular musical instrument in this town and you will hear its sounds drifting out of many of the local eateries. After, the drive up to San Cristobal de Las Casas is a scenic way to end the day.

*Traveling up the Usumacinta River to the remote ruin site of Yaxchilan. One arrives at this site after a 45 min. boat ride down river. All the while Central America lies on the opposite river bank. Guatemala beckons on one shore as one looks for Crocodiles and Jaguar on the river's banks. Ruins start to become visible through the jungle and soon you are at Yaxchilan. This ruin site has been described as one of the most beautiful of the Maya world.

There are plenty of structures to visit and explore. The whole visit takes on a very Indiana Jones feel. Narrow trails through the jungle lead to different buildings and mixed with the sounds of the jungle and the fact there are far fewer visitors make for intimate explorations. Sitting alone on the steps of a temple imagining what this place may have looked like in the past is high on the romance scale.

The people of Chiapas have been struggling to find their place in the modern world. They steadfastly hold to their ancient ways. Tourism is important to them in that they can continue to practice the old ways and customs for the people who visit with them and earn an income at the same time. How romantic is that. To be able to help the people, through just visiting a region, find their place in the modern world while still being able to embrace their past.

Norm:

How safe is travel to Chiapas?

Carl:

Travel to Chiapas is very safe. Both the Mexican government and the Zapatista rebels understand that tourism is the best way to keep revenues in Chiapas. When I was doing the initial ALA scout in Chiapas the Zapatistas implemented a two day blockage of the major roads of Chiapas.

This was done as a solidarity movement to show support for protesters in a nearby state. We arrived at the first roadblock at 6am not knowing what to expect. After twenty minutes of waiting, all tourism vehicles were allowed to pass freely while other vehicles were restricted. This happened over five more road blocks throughout the day. By day's end it was quite obvious that tourism is both highly valued and protected by the people of Chiapas.

The roads are modern as are the vehicles that transport tourists. There are modern hospitals in all urban areas and as part of an ALA scout we cover access to medical care in great detail.

Mexico often gets a bad rap, (at times deservedly so), over water and food handling. If you are only going to be in Chiapas for a short while, do avoid eating in markets and off of street vendors. If you can't resist local charms, eat at the places where there are a lot of people.

The food turns over more quickly and doesn't sit around as long. Most restaurants have very clean kitchens and they wash vegetables with purified water. At ALA we pre-inspect and experience all of the restaurants we use during a tour and discuss in detail our needs with hotel and restaurant managers.

Common sense and some research are always prudent when visiting any foreign place. Dangerous situations can be found anywhere people travel even in the U.S. The people of Chiapas are very proud and in my travels through this wondrous state I have never been made to feel unsafe or threatened.

Norm:

Can you tell us something about the different cultural groups that inhabit Chiapas?

Carl:

The majority of the ethnic makeup of most Chiapanecos is Meztiso, a mix of Spanish and Indigenous blood lines.

Ten percent of the state's population belongs to the following ethnic groups;

Zoques, who have been linked to the pre-maya Olmec culture;

Tzotziles, who practice religious ceremonies that are a blend of Catholic and animistic rites. They open their church in Chamula for visitors to view these practices and believe me they are an eye-opener. They involve Shaman, many candles, chickens etc.;

Tzeltales, who are the born craftspeople of the state, they work primarily with textiles and handcrafts;

Tojolabals, who speak the Chuj language of the Cuchumatanes of Guatemala, again these people blend Catholisism with ancient pre-Hispanic practices;

Choles, who have been accredited with the construction of site of Palenque;

Lacondones, this group is one of the most mysterious in the Maya culture. To this day they live in isolated jungle communities for the most part away from the rest of Chiapas. Their relative isolation has allowed them to preserve their language and customs more so than other groups within Chiapas;

Mames, who represent about 26% of the total indigenous population of the state. They are primarily involved in agriculture, cacao and coffee; and finally the Mochos, who are strongly linked to nearby Guatemaltecan groups. They share the same territory as the Mames.

Norm:

What kind of accommodations can one expect in Chiapas?

Carl:

Accommodations in Chiapas cater to all types of travelers. From exquisitely restored haciendas and monasteries that receive five- star ratings to award-winning eco-lodges, to quaint hostels and inns, Chiapas offers something for every travel budget.

Norm:

Could you tell us something about the cuisine in Chiapas?

Carl:

The food of Chiapas is quite simple. The majority of the people live with corn as the primary food in their diet. They supplement corn with eggs, chicken, pork or fish but because the average annual income in Chiapas is about $1500 USD a year, any meat they come by is generally sold at the local market.

The barbecue or assado is the primary way they cook meat and there are a number of restaurants that specialize in this style of cooking. Most hotels and restaurants fuse traditional foods with international styles to make meals more palatable to tourist tastes.

Those with vegetarian leanings can find much to satisfy their palate but ordering some foods like soups or salsas should be avoided as stocks used to prepare these things generally are chicken, pork or beef based. One needs to ask before sampling if they want to maintain a strict vegetarian diet.

Chiapas and Tabasco are where most of the Cacao, (cocoa), is grown so there are a number of dishes that incorporate chocolate, i.e., Moles.

Norm:

I understand that Chiapas is known for eco-tours. Could you elaborate?

Carl:

Chiapas is home to vast tracts of virgin jungle still. The Lacondon forest has a number of eco-resorts from which guests can do guided day trips to explore the surrounding eco-systems. 40% of the wildlife that lives in Mexico resides in Chiapas. There are over 600 species of birds alone that live in Chiapas.

The Guacamayas eco-tourist center is a preserve for the endangered Scarlet Macaw and at sunrise and sunset they become a noisy spectacle as they leave and return to this site in great numbers.

As one travels from Palenque to Yaxchilan there are countless unexcavated ruin sites along the side of the road. There are numerous bio-reserves, waterfalls, lakes and jungles to take guided tours in. In the two months we have spent touring Chiapas we feel we have only scratched the surface of the eco-tourism opportunities the state has to offer.

The Chiapanecos see their natural world as a valuable resource and are taking the necessary steps to ensure these natural places will stay protected and unaltered for future generations of their families and tourists to enjoy.

Norm:

When is the best time to visit Chiapas?

Carl:

The best time to visit is just after the rainy season, (late September/early October), when things are greenest and the rivers and waterfalls are at their peak. San Cristobal de Las Casas is at a higher elevation, (6000 ft), things do get chilly at night so bring warmer cloths for this part of the visit to Chiapas. Most of the nicer hotels have fireplaces in each room so that is also a good way to chase away the evening chill.

During the summer while the rest of Mexico is under a hot sun, places like San Cristobal are quite nice due to their elevation.

Starting about March places like Palenque and Comitan start to get uncomfortably hot because they are about 4500-feet less in elevation than the highlands.

Norm:

Is there anything else you wish to add that we have not covered?

Carl:

Just that words, can't begin to capture how magical this tiny corner of Mexico really is. Travel affects everyone a bit differently but no one will walk away from Chiapas unchanged. It happened to me and it has happened to everyone I've had the privilege to lead on a guided trip through this remarkable region.

Thanks again and bon voyage!

Note on Austin-Lehman Adventures

*Austin-Lehman Adventures specializes in upscale multisport adventures to iconic destinations throughout the Americas. Most of their small group vacations are six days and five nights in duration, and combine guided outdoor activities such as hiking, biking, rafting, canoeing, and horseback riding with nights spent at a series of distinctive inns and lodges. Lunch is usually served gourmet picnic-style along the trail, and breakfast and dinner take place at the finest cafés and restaurants the region has to offer. Prior experience is not a prerequisite and adventures cater to a wide range of abilities. On adult adventures participants need to be 16 years old or above. Expressly designed family adventures are suitable for children as young as seven (7) years of age.

Norm and Lily Goldman are a husband and wife team that meld words with art focusing on romantic and wedding destinations. To read more of their articles and interviews click on

SKETCHANDTRAVEL.COM

July 28, 2007

[Undocumented] Immigrants: Uncle Sam Wants You


for undocumented immigrants


From: http://detodos-paratodos.blogspot.com/
[Undocumented] Immigrants: Uncle Sam Wants You

Latino teenagers, including illegal immigrants are being recruited into the military with false promises.

In 1996, Jesus Alberto Suarez del Solar was a 13-year-old boy, up from Tijuana on a family shopping trip, when he stopped at a Marine Corps recruiting table at an open-air mall in Chula Vista, Calif.

Jesus had been an easy mark for the recruiter-a boy who fantasized that by joining the powerful, heroic U.S. Marines, he could help his own country fight drug lords. He gave the recruiter his address and phone number in Mexico, and the recruiter called him twice a week for the next two years, until he had talked Jesus into convincing his parents to move to California
...

No Borders Camp, November 2007 // Calexico/Mexicali

NO BORDERS CAMP NOVEMBER 2007 CALEXICO/MEXICALI, TURTLE ISLAND

As long as the US/Mexico border has existed, people having been struggling against it. The border itself is a colonial war monument and it continues to be the site of a not-so-low intensity war. It is a boundary marking an internal space of fear, control and domination over people, while simultaneously allowing for the unrestricted movement of capital and wealth. This border regime--like the border regimes in Mexico, Israel, Spain and more--is a system of apartheid.

For years around the world people have been tearing down fences, freeing detainees and fighting for autonomy. A global movement against borders and migration controls is rising. One of many tactics in this movement is the no borders camp - a space for direct action and building community. Join us for a transnational no borders camp on the Mexico/US border. Celebrate global days of action for freedom of movement on the 18th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall...

We are currently an informal network of collectives, working groups, and individuals, in many cities, on both sides of the border. We are planning a no borders action camp for the second week of November 2007, in the region of Calexico and Mexicali.

The PGA hallmarks are the basic points of unity for the mobilization. See below.

The camp is intended to be a spectacular intervention in a discourse that at times ignores, and at other times justifies, the systematic violence, indignity and exploitation experienced by migrants in the United States, Mexico, and across the world. The mobilization will bring many of us together in one place to share, learn and take action. It is of equal importance that it not be just one isolated event that lasts a few days in one location. We view this mobilization as a process and we hope to further link this mobilization with other powerful events and processes such as the G8, the Other Campaign, the US Social forum and the Anti-RNC organizing. It is also intentionally, and somewhat inevitably, a process of creating an anti-capitalist network for freedom of movement.

WHAT YOU CAN DO

For this mobilization to be a success, groups and individuals from a diversity of locales and experiences must make this project their own. Groups and individuals are encouraged to take initiative and start now. For instance you could: organize an encuentro in your city. Go to an upcoming one that is already planned. Distro what we have, or make new propaganda. Organize a fundraiser. Start working on media and art. Start talking strategy and action with your affinity group. Contact us and come visit some collectives and individuals working in the region. Maybe stay for a while.
Check the email contact page to get more info.

HALLMARKS:
A very clear rejection of capitalism, imperialism and feudalism; all trade agreements, institutions and governments that promote destructive globalisation;
We reject all forms and systems of domination and discrimination including, but not limited to, patriarchy, racism and religious fundamentalism of all creeds. We embrace the full dignity of all human beings.
A confrontational attitude, since we do not think that lobbying can have a major impact in such biased and undemocratic organisations, in which transnational capital is the only real policy-maker;
A call to direct action and civil disobedience, support for social movements' struggles, advocating forms of resistance which maximize respect for life and oppressed peoples' rights, as well as the construction of local alternatives to global capitalism;
An organisational philosophy based on decentralisation and autonomy.

July 27, 2007

Did Guerrillas Strike at the Heart of Mexico's Oil Industry?

Bombing Pemex--Or Not?

By JOHN ROSS

The flames jetting 300 meters into the night sky and the black smoke billowing over the fertile flatlands of central Mexico's Bajio were not a good omen. According to a spokesperson for the national oil monopoly PEMEX, the two explosions that rocked installations in Guanajuato and Queretero states July 5th and 10th were caused by a sudden drop in pressure in two natural gas pipelines due to "pinchazos" or illicit perforations in the ducts to siphon off fuel.

The explosions, which shredded aging, poorly-maintained infrastructure underscored the urgent need for private investment in the nationalized enterprise argued PEMEX director Jesus Heroles Jr., mimicking President Felipe Calderon's take on the subject. Calderon, who was elected a year ago in a fraud-marred vote taking, has pledged to privatize PEMEX.

But were the explosions just further mishaps in an endless skein of pipeline blowouts and toxic spills that have plagued the state oil company for years?

On July 11th, newspapers in Mexico City began receiving a series of communiqués under the rubric of the "Military Zone Command of the Popular Revolutionary Army and State Committee of the Party of the Popular Democratic Revolution" claiming credit for blowing out two 36 inch natural gas pipelines in Guanajuato (July 5th) and a key valve house in Coroneo Queretero (July 10th) that shut down gas distribution to millions in central Mexico.

The Popular Revolutionary Army or EPR for its initials in Spanish, a long dormant guerrilla whose home base is usually in the conflictive states of Oaxaca and Guerrero, explained that the two explosions had been "surgical strikes against the oligarchy" and signaled the initiation of a "national campaign of harassment" that would continued until two disappeared EPR leaders are presented by the Calderon government "with life."

Although the Mexican government refrained from using the T-word, it was definitely in the air. "EPR ALLIANCE WITH AL QAEDA!" whooped the headlines on newspapers hanging from the kiosks. Indeed, a purported Al Qaeda document emerged in 2006 encouraging attacks against U.S. allies that supply Washington with oil - Mexico exports 1.6 million barrels of petroleum to the U.S. daily, without which George Bush would be hard pressed to wage war in Iraq.

With the terrorist alert heating up to hot orange, President Calderon convoked an emergency meeting of his security cabinet. The military has 30,000 troops in the field fighting Washington's drug war and elite units had to be re-deployed to protect strategic installations. Machine-gun nests blossomed outside PEMEX gates, along energy pipelines, at dams, and electricity generating facilities. Navy patrols around offshore platforms in the Caribbean were stepped up.

Washington has a proprietary interest in the Mexican oil flow and news of the bombings furrowed brows in the U.S. capital. As a signatory to the euphemistically named North American Agreement for Security and Prosperity (ASPAN), Mexico is designated as the U.S.'s southern security perimeter, potentially invoking military action by the United States North Command housed in Colorado should terrorist activity be detected in the neighborhood. The U.S. Department of Homeland Security regards Mexico as a potential terrorist staging area.

The EPR bombings were the first here since last November when a previously unknown guerrilla formation - the Army of the Insurgent Popular Revolution (ERIP) - took credit for taking out the nation's top electoral tribunal, a bank, and the national headquarters of the once-ruling PRI party.

The Popular Revolutionary Army's successful July jamboree shut down more than 90 manufacturing plants in central Mexican cities, sending tens of thousands of workers at such transnationals as Nissan, Honda, Vitro (Mexican owned), Kellogg, and Ideal Standard, the world's largest toilet maker, home for the day.

The precision location of the plastique charges (plastique is popular in Europe but not much used here) points to an inside job and disgruntled PEMEX workers are one object of an on-going investigation. If the EPR is really responsible for the explosions than their technical skills and ability to strike close to the heart of the economy have taken a qualitative leap since the group was last heard from.

The Popular Revolutionary Army made its public debut June 28th 1996 on the first anniversary of the massacre of 17 dissident farmers at Aguas Blancas Guerrero under the guns of a corrupt governor, Rubin Figueroa. In documents distributed to the press, the EPR identified itself as a Marxist-Leninist military organization composed of 14 little-known guerrilla "focos" that seemed to revolve around an alliance between a clandestine clique of Maoists with a predilection for bombing - the PROCUP - and the Party of the Poor, founded by the long-dead guerrilla martyr Lucio Cabanas along Guerrero's Costa Grande in the 1970s.

The EPR is said to have bankrolled its uprising with the kidnapping of Banamex president Alfredo Harp Helu in 1994 for which they received a reported Latin America record ransom ($12 million USD.) With a hefty arsenal at its command (tons of weapons were alleged to have been delivered to Guerrero in 1994), the EPR repeatedly attacked military and police installations during the summer of 1996, killing and wounding dozens of troops. A synchronized six-state shooting spree on August 28th took 24 lives, many in Oaxaca.

The EPR quarreled with the other Mexican guerrilla, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), accusing its charismatic, pipe-smoking spokesperson Subcomandante Marcos of trying to make a revolution with poetry. The Sup, in turn, lambasted the EPR as only being interested in taking state power and refused suggestions of an alliance between the two armed organizations.

After the August 1996 attacks, the Popular Revolutionary Army seemed to become unglued. Military pressure and internal dissension led to fragmentation and a handful of split-offs such as the EPR-Democratic Tendency, the Revolutionary Army of the Insurgent People (the ERPI as opposed to the ERIP), and the FARP (the Armed Front of the Popular Revolution) have staged sporadic attacks for several years.

But following last summer's much-questioned presidential election, the EPR issued a rare communiqué announcing its intentions to vindicate the popular vote in favor of leftist Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador - AMLO quickly rejected the guerrilla's intervention and the rebels held off their promised campaign.

Rather than marking the first anniversary of the Great Fraud against Lopez Obrador, the Bajo bombings probably obey a more immediate calling: the arrest of two top EPR comandantes May 24th in Oaxaca when Eduardo Reyes Amaya and "Raymundo Rivera Bravo" AKA Gabriel Alberto Cruz Sanchez were taken into custody in a hotel in the city's market. Cruz Sanchez is described by guerrilla historian Carlos Montemayor as a 30-year veteran of clandestine armed movements in Mexico and is thought to be the brother of Tiburcio Cruz Sanchez also known as Francisco Cerezo, a maximum EPR leader and patriarch of a clan that includes three activist sons, two of whom are serving long prison sentences for bombing banks in 2001.

According to the Oaxaca daily Noticias, which the hated governor Ulises Ruiz has tried to shut down repeatedly, the two men were severely beaten at the state prosecutor's offices and transported in a military ambulance up to Mexico City where they are thought to be still alive and imprisoned at the notorious Military Camp #1. State and federal authorities claim they have no record of the two guerilleros in any Mexican prisons.

In Mexico's hothouse political ambiance where Calderon's credibility is constantly questioned, news of the EPR's purported assault on PEMEX was met with deep skepticism. Failure of the nation's top intelligence agency, the CISEN (now run by Calderon's favorite political pollster) to anticipate EPR resurgence is compared to the CIA's blackout prior to 9/11. AMLO describes the bombings as "a smokescreen" to privatize PEMEX and reinforce the criminalization of social protest.

But whether the attack was a government ruse to reign in social discontent, induce terrorist paranoia as a tool of control, and underscore the need for opening up PEMEX to private investment or a legitimate initiative by the armed resistance, the bombings have spiced up a pot already over boiling with upheaval.

On Monday July 17th, for the second year in a row, dissident teachers and militants of Oaxaca's Popular Peoples' Assembly (APPO) sought to take back the "Guelaguetza", a traditional cultural interchange between Oaxaca's multiple indigenous peoples that Governor Ruiz has turned into a tourist-only commercial spectacle. 45 people were arrested and 42 hospitalized when celebrants were attacked by heavily armed state and federal police. The APPO and its allies have vowed to shut down Governor's version of the dance festival set for July 23rd and 30th.

Ruiz has repeatedly tried to tie the APPO and dissident teachers to the EPR. A year ago last July during the protestors' successful efforts to shut down the Guelaguetza, the EPR's initials were painted on a hill overlooking the city. Similarly, both Ulises and Calderon's PAN Party accuse Lopez Obrador's Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD), which is on track to win big in the Oaxaca state legislature later this summer, of being infiltrated by the EPR.

Those skeptical of the Popular Revolutionary Army's involvement in the Bajio bombings point out that the EPR has no social base in states like Queretero or Guanajuato, the home state of ex-president Vicente Fox and the mysterious religious right formation "El Yunque" which has had so much influence in both the Fox and Calderon administrations. Moreover, guerrilla watchers like Montemayor underscore that bombings are not the EPR's usual Modus Operandi (although the PROCUP were skilled bombers) - during its 1995 rampage, the EPR staged direct attacks on military bases and personnel.

Others such as the left-leaning daily La Jornada analyst Carlos Fazio scoff at the bombing as a "hoax." "Why would the left try to destroy PEMEX when we are fighting to defend it from destruction by neo-liberal privatization?"

What surprised Felipe Canseco, a former leader of the PROCUP and uncle of the Cerezo clan was how long it took the EPR to respond to the disappearance of its leaders in Oaxaca on May 25th. "When I went down, he comrades took action the next day," he recalls. Canseco, who served eight years for guerrilla activities, estimates that there are 30 armed groups operating in 22 out of Mexico's 32 states.

One of the hottest pirate DVDs on the Mexican street these days is "The Violin", which depicts the military's "dirty war" in Guerrero in the 1970s in brutal detail. The disappearance of the two EPR leaders and the government's claim that it is not holding them is painfully reminiscent of those terrible years when an estimated 650 Cabanas supporters along the Costa Grande were forcibly disappeared and held in secret lock-ups where they were tortured and eventually killed and thrown into the Pacific Ocean from Mexican air force planes near Acapulco.

If recent events are any indicator, Mexico's dirty war is not just a movie.

John Ross is in Mexico City, plotting a new novella. If you have further information contact johnross@igc.org

The Revolution’s most important weapon: the people

Fidel engaging in increasingly intense and valuable activities Willing to hold talks, on an equal footing, with the United States Cuba will accept foreign investment: capital, technology and markets
Strengthening our defensive capacity A special effort must be made in food production to save on imports Our people will never give in to pressure or blackmail from any country or group of countries

(Translated by ESTI)

Friends accompanying us here today;

People of Camagüey, good morning;

Compatriots:

Exactly one year ago, as we were listening to the speeches given by the Commander in Chief in Bayamo and Holguín, we could hardly even suspect what a hard blow was awaiting us.

Next July 31 will be the first anniversary of Fidel's Proclamation, and to the delight of our people he is already taking on more and more intense and highly valuable activities, as evidenced by his reflections which are published in the press, even though, not even during the most serious moments of his illness, did he fail to bring his wisdom and experience to each problem and essential decision.

THOSE WHO ARE AMAZED AT OUR PEOPLE’S CAPACITY TO RISE TO THE LEVEL OF EVERY CHALLENGE, NO MATTER HOW GREAT, DO NOT KNOW THEM VERY WELL

These have truly been very difficult months, although with a diametrically different impact to that expected by our enemies, who were wishing for chaos to entrench and for Cuban socialism to collapse. Senior U.S. officials even made statements about taking advantage of this scenario to destroy the Revolution.

Those who are amazed at our people’s capacity to rise to the level of every challenge, no matter how great, do not know them very well, since this is really the only behavior consistent with our history.

The battle waged by many generations of Cubans is well-known, from La Demajagua and Moncada, right up to the present, always facing enormous obstacles and powerful enemies. So much sacrifice and difficulties! How many times did we have to recommence the struggle after each setback!

Suffice it to recall that in the years following that July 26, 1953, we spent years in prison, the exile, the Granma, the guerrilla and the clandestine struggles, until five years, five months and five days after the attack on Moncada, victory was attained on the first day of January, 1959.

In those days, much like what is happening today even within the very United States, lies could not hide reality, although our people then were much less educated and less politically aware than they are now.

The vast majority of Cubans joined the cause headed by a leader who brandished the truth like his main weapon against the enemies of his people, who instead of making demagogic promises warned them, from his very first speech in Havana, that perhaps everything would be much more difficult in the years ahead.

The conclusion of the U.S. government hierarchy at that time was also consistent with its history: they had to destroy this people who dared to dream of justice, dignity and sovereignty, and if not, make them suffer to the utmost. The example set by Cuba was far too dangerous in a poor, subdued and exploited continent.

But they were unable to bring us to our knees. Our response was to massively transform ourselves into combatants; to stoically withstand shortages and difficulties; to sweat in the fields, factories and trenches; to wage countless victorious battles and to establish landmarks in internationalist aid.

Before the mortal remains of each of the 3,478 victims of terrorist acts directly organized, supported or allowed to happen by the United States authorities; before the fallen in defense of the Homeland or in the fulfillment of their internationalist duty, our people confirmed their commitment to their heroes and martyrs, to their Mambi heritage and to the examples of Martí, Céspedes, Maceo, Gómez and Agramonte, perpetuated by men such as Mella, Martínez Villena and Guiteras, symbols of the ideas and actions of an infinite number of anonymous patriots.

In essence, this has been the last half century of our history. There has been not one minute of truce in the face of the policies of the United States government, aimed at destroying the Revolution.

HEROIC DEEDS TAKE PLACE EVERYDAY, IN EVERY CORNER OF THE COUNTRY

In this forging of effort and sacrifice, the morale and conscience of this people has reached new heights; sons with the stature of Gerardo Hernández, Antonio Guerrero, Ramón Labañino, Fernando González and René González have been born, able to assume with serenity, valor and dignity the duress of an unjust imprisonment, scattered in different prisons of the United States.

They are examples, but they are not exceptions, since millions of Cuban men and women are not intimidated by danger or hardship.

The exploit occurs daily in every corner of this land, as our brave athletes are demonstrating at the Panamerican Games.

And so it has been during the more than 16 years of the Special Period, of sustained effort by the entire country to overcome the difficulties and press onwards –and so it must still be, since we have not yet come out of the Special Period.

Thus, it is twice as commendable that a province attains the status of Outstanding, which as we all know is bestowed after evaluating the results obtained in the main fields.

This year, the provinces of Ciudad de La Habana, Granma, Villa Clara and Camagüey attained this distinction, and we congratulate them on behalf of the Commander in Chief, of the Party and of all the people, for having reached this important triumph. Also to Cienfuegos, Matanzas and Sancti Spiritus for the acknowledgement received, and to Las Tunas for displaying heartening advances.

In order to decide which of them would be the venue of this main celebration, the Political Bureau especially considered the day-to-day efforts, silent and heroic in the face of difficulties. And in this way, the people of "El Camagüey", as the Mambi used to call it, achieved these results.

The advances are the fruit of the efforts of hundreds of thousands of comrades; of the laborers, peasants and the rest of the workers; of the indispensable contributions of intellectuals, artists and workers in the cultural sector; of the heroic housewives and retirees; of the student members of the Middle-level Education Students Federation and the Federation of University Students; of our children; of the Cuban Women Federation, the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution, the Association of Combatants and the community Party cells who make such an important contribution to society.

Without them, without the daily work, study and sacrifice of so many men, women and children, the bugle of the Agramonte cavalry would not be resounding anew on these great flatlands.

Well then, it should not happen as it does in baseball, where the victories go only to the players and the defeats go to the team manager. It would not be fair to fail to publicly acknowledge the important role played by the leaders of the Party, the Government, the UJC and the mass and social organizations at every level, as well as the numerous administrative cadres to attain this success.

In particular, I should like to stress the good work of comrade Salvador Valdés Mesa, the current Secretary General of the Workers Union Central, who for a long time and up to 13 months ago, was the First Secretary of the Provincial Party Committee, and the excellent relief provided until the present by comrade Julio César García Rodríguez.

WE NEED TO BRING EVERYONE TO THE DAILY BATTLE AGAINST THE VERY ERRORS THAT AGGRAVATE OBJECTIVE DIFFICULTIES STEMMING FROM EXTERNAL CAUSES

It is only fair and necessary to acknowledge what has been achieved in recent years, in these provinces and in the rest of the country, but with a clear conscience about our problems, our inefficiencies, our errors and our bureaucratic and/or slack attitudes, some of which gained ground in the circumstances deriving from the Special Period.

Pointing out the important results attained in these provinces does not mean that we ignore that the rest of the country is working. In the eastern provinces, for example, it has been necessary to do this under very difficult conditions, with a shortage of resources resulting from both objective and subjective reasons.

Nevertheless, efforts do not always bring the results hoped for. Efficiency largely depends on perseverance and good organization, especially of systematic controls and discipline, and in particular on where we have succeeded in incorporating the masses to the struggle for efficiency.

We need to bring everyone to the daily battle against the very errors which aggravate objective difficulties derived from external causes, especially those induced by the United States' economic blockade which really constitutes a relentless war against our people, as the current administration of that country is especially bent on finding even the slightest of ways to harm us.

One could point to a myriad of examples. I shall limit myself to mentioning the obstacles to the country’s commercial and financial transactions abroad, often directed at the purchase of food, medicines and other basic products for the people, and the denial of access to banking services through coercion and the extra-territorial imposition of its laws.

There are also the almost insurmountable obstacles imposed by that government that goes to ridiculous lengths to prevent its people from traveling to Cuba and also on the Cuban residents there coming to visit their relatives; the denial of visas not just to our officials, but to artists, athletes, scientists and, in general, to anyone who is not willing to slander the Revolution.

As our Ministry of Foreign Affairs recently denounced, we can add to all of this the obstacles to the fulfillment of what is established in the migratory agreements with regards to the minimum number of visas to be granted annually.

This policy encourages those who turn to illegal emigration and are received there as heroes, often times after endangering the lives of children, and in spite of the fact that such an irresponsible behavior puts at risk not only the safety of Cubans, but also of Americans, the ones who the government constantly claims to be protecting, since whoever risks trafficking with human lives for money, would probably not hesitate in doing so with drugs, arms or other such things.

Cuba, for her part, will continue to honor her commitments to the migratory accords, as she has done until today.

The past twelve months have constituted a remarkable example of our people’s maturity, steadfast principles, unity, trust in Fidel, in the Party and above all in themselves.

Despite our deep sorrow, no task was left undone. There is order in the country and a lot of work. The Party and the Government bodies are functioning on a daily basis in the collective search for the most effective response possible for every problem.

There is not one issue pertaining to the development of the country and the people’s living conditions that has not been dealt with responsibly, working to find a solution. There is no task in the Battle of Ideas, the Energy Revolution and others promoted by the Commander in Chief that is paralyzed. As it is always the case in matters of such magnitude, we have had to make adjustments and postponements, and others might be needed in the future, due to material imperatives and the threats we are all aware of.

OPERATION CAGUAIRÁN HAS MADE IT POSSIBLE TO SUBSTANTIALLY STRENGTHEN OUR COUNTRY’S DEFENSIVE CAPACITY

At the same time, our people have continued since then, with serenity, discipline and modesty, to prepare themselves to face up to any enemy military adventure.

Hundreds of thousands of militiamen and reservists of the Revolutionary Armed Forces, together with officers, sergeants and soldiers in the regular army have carried out Operation Caguairán, allowing for a substantial increase in the country’s defense capability, attaining levels of combat readiness that are superior to those of any other period.

It is a great effort in moments when our resources are scarce, but it is simply essential. It shall continue, as it has up till now, with the greatest of rationality, both from the material point of view as well as in the use of our people’s time.

We cannot fool around with defense! The Commander in Chief directed and reaffirmed it yet once again just a few days ago. For us, as I have said so many times, avoiding a war is tantamount to winning it, but to win it by avoiding it, we must sweat a lot and invest quite a few resources.

The resounding popular response to the Proclamation of the Commander in Chief threw all the enemy plans into crisis mode; but the enemy, far from evaluating the reality and correcting its errors, insists on stubbornly crashing into the same rock. They speculate about an alleged paralysis in the country and even about a "transition" in progress. But no matter how hard they close their eyes, reality shall take care of destroying those stale, old dreams.

As the press has reported, Operation Caguairán will carry on in the next months. It will allow us to train about a million compatriots and will have as its crowning glory the Bastion 2008 Strategic Exercise which will take place at the end of the year.

By that date, therefore, we shall be better prepared to resist and win on all fronts, including defense.

OUR PEOPLE WILL NEVER GIVE AN INCH BEFORE PRESSURE OR BLACKMAIL BY ANY COUNTRY OR GROUP OF COUNTRIES

By that time the elections will also have taken place in the United States and the mandate of the current president of that country will have concluded along with his erratic and dangerous administration, characterized by such a reactionary and fundamentalist philosophy that it leaves no room for a rational analysis of any matter.

The new administration will have to decide whether it will maintain the absurd, illegal and failed policy against Cuba or if it will accept the olive branch that we offered on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the landing of the Granma. That is, when we reasserted our willingness to discuss on equal footing the prolonged dispute with the government of the United States, convinced that this is the only way to solve the problems of this world, ever more complex and dangerous.

If the new United States authorities were to finally desist from their arrogance and decide to talk in a civilized manner, it would be a welcome change. Otherwise, we are ready to continue confronting their policy of hostility, even for another 50 years, if need be.

Fifty years seem like a long time, but soon we will be celebrating the 50th anniversary of the Triumph of the Revolution and the 55th anniversary of Moncada, and among so many tasks and challenges those years have gone by and we have hardly noticed. Furthermore, practically 70% of our population was born after the blockade was imposed, and so we are well trained to continue resisting it and finally defeating it.

Some who have been influenced by enemy propaganda or are simply confused, do not perceive the real danger or the undeniable fact that the blockade has a direct influence both on the major economic decisions as well as on each Cuban's most basic needs.

Directly and on a daily basis, it weighs heavily on our food supply, transportation, housing and even on the fact that we cannot rely on the necessary raw materials and equipment to work with.

The enemy established it half a century ago for this reason, as we were saying, and today it still dreams of forcing us to submit to its will. President Bush himself insists on repeating that he will not allow the Cuban Revolution to continue. It would be interesting to ask him just how he intends to do that.

How little they have learned from history!

In his Manifesto published on June 18, Fidel said to them once again what every revolutionary on this island is convinced of: "They shall never have Cuba!"

Our people will never give an inch of ground under the attempt of any country or group of countries to pressure us, nor will it make the slightest unilateral concession to send any kind of signal to anybody.

WE HAVE A DUTY TO PRECISELY IDENTIFY AND PROFOUNDLY EVALUATE EVERY PROBLEM WITHIN OUR RANGE OF ACTION

With respect to the economic and social tasks ahead of us, we know the tensions that Party cadres are subjected to, especially at the base, where there's hardly ever a balance between accumulated needs and available resources.

We are also aware that, because of the extreme objective difficulties that we face, wages today are clearly insufficient to satisfy all needs and have thus ceased to play a role in ensuring the socialist principle that each should contribute according to their capacity and receive according to their work. This has bred forms of social indiscipline and tolerance which, having taken root, prove difficult to eradicate, even after the objective causes behind them are eradicated.

I can responsibly assure you that the Party and government have been studying these and other complex and difficult problems in depth, problems which must be addressed comprehensibly and through a differentiated approach in each concrete case.

All of us, from the leaders to the rank-and-file workers, are duty-bound to accurately identify and analyze every problem in depth, within our working areas, in order to combat the problem with the most convenient methods.

This differs greatly from the attitude of those who use existing difficulties to shield themselves from criticisms, leveled against them for not acting with the necessary swiftness and efficiency, or for lacking the political sensitivity and courage needed to explain why a problem cannot be solved immediately.

I will limit myself to drawing your attention to these crucial issues. A simple criticism or appeal will not solve these problems, even when they are made at a ceremony like this. They demand, above all else, organized work, control and dedication, day after day; systematic rigor, order and discipline, from the national level down to the thousands of places where something is produced or a service is offered.

I REMIND YOU THAT NOT ALL PROBLEMS CAN BE SOLVED OVERNIGHT

This is where the country's efforts are headed, as they are in other areas of similar importance and strategic significance. We are working hastily but not desperately, avoiding unnecessary public statements so as not to raise false hopes. And, again, speaking with the sincerity which has always characterized the Revolution, I remind you that all problems cannot be solved overnight.

I am not exaggerating when I say that we face a very trying international economic situation, where, in addition to wars, lack of political stability, the deterioration of the environment and the rise in oil prices —apparently an irreversible trend— we now face, like comrade Fidel has recently denounced, the decision made primarily by the United States, to transform corn, soy and other food products into fuel. This move is bound to make the price of these products, and those directly dependent upon these such as meats and milk prices, climb dramatically as it has been the case in recent months.

I will just mention some figures. Today, the price of an oil barrel is around 80 dollars, nearly three times what it was only 4 years ago, when it was priced at 28 dollars. This has an impact on practically everything, for, to produce anything or to offer any kind of service, one requires a given quantity of fuel, directly or indirectly.

Another case in point is the price of powdered milk, which was 2,100 dollars the ton in 2004. This already placed great strains on our ability to make this product available, as its import meant an investment of 105 million dollars. A total of 160 million dollars were spent to purchase the needed quantities in 2007, as prices shot up to 2,450 dollars the ton. In these four years, nearly 500 million dollars have been spent in these purchases.

Currently, the price of powdered milk is over 5,200 dollars the ton. Therefore, should domestic production not continue to increase, to meet consumption needs in the next 2008, we would have to spend 340 million dollars in milk alone, more than three times what was spent in 2004. That is, if prices do not continue to rise.

In the case of milled rice, it was priced at 390 dollars a ton in 2006 and is sold today at 435 a ton. Some years ago, we were buying frozen chicken at 500 dollars a ton. We made plans on the assumption its price would go up to 800; in fact, it went up to its current price of 1,186 dollars.

This is the case with practically all products the country imports to meet, essentially, the needs of the population, products which, as it is known, the people purchase at prices which have practically remained unchanged in spite of the circumstances.

And I am talking of products that I think can be grown here --it seems to me that there is plenty of land-- and we have had good rains last year and this. As I drove in here I could see that everything around is green and pretty, but what drew my attention the most, what I found prettier was the marabú (a thorny bush) growing along the road.

NOBODY — NOT A SINGLE PERSON IN ANY COUNTRY— CAN AFFORD THE LUXURY OF SPENDING MORE THAN THEY HAVE

Therefore, any increase in wages or decrease in prices, to be real, can only stem from a greater and more efficient production and services offer, which will increase the country's incomes.

No one, no individual or country, can afford to spend more than what they have. It seems elementary, but we do not always think and act in accordance with this inescapable reality.

To have more, we have to begin by producing more, with a sense of rationality and efficiency, so that we may reduce imports, especially of food products --that may be grown here-- whose domestic production is still a long way away from meeting the needs of the population.

We face the imperative of making our land produce more; and the land is there to be tilted either with tractors or with oxen, as it was done before the tractor existed. We need to expeditiously apply the experiences of producers whose work is outstanding, be they in the state or farm sector, on a mass scale, but without improvising, and to offer these producers adequate incentives for the work they carry out in Cuba's suffocating heat.

To reach these goals, the needed structural and conceptual changes will have to be introduced.

We are already working in this direction and a number of modest results can already be appreciated. As demanded by the National Assembly of the People's Power, all debts to farmers were settled; in addition to this, there has been a discrete improvement in the delivery of inputs to some productive sectors and a notable increase in the prices of various products, that is to say, the price the state pays to the producer, not the price the population pays, which remains unchanged. This measure had an impact on important production items, such as meat and milk.

PRODUCING THE MOST MILK POSSIBLE

With respect to milk production and distribution, we are aware that the material resources we have managed to secure for the livestock industry are still very limited. However, in the last two years nature has been on our side and everything indicates that we will reach the planned figure of 384 million liters of milk, which is still far lower than the 900 million we were producing when we had all the fodder and other required inputs.

In addition to this, since March, an experiment has been underway in six municipalities —Mantua and San Cristóbal in Pinar del Rio, Melena del Sur in La Habana, Calimete in Matanzas, Aguada de Pasajeros in Cienfuegos and Yaguajay in Sancti Spiritus—where 20 thousand liters of milk have been directly and consistently delivered by the producer to 230 rationed stores and for social consumption in these localities every day.

In this fashion, we have eliminated absurd procedures through which this valuable food product traveled hundreds of miles before reaching a consumer who, quite often, lived a few hundred meters away from the livestock farm, and, with this, the product losses and fuel expenses involved.

I will give you one example or maybe two in order to mention one from Camaguey. Currently, in Mantua, one of the western most municipalities in Pinar del Rio, 2,492 liters of milk, which meet established consumption needs, are being distributed directly to the municipality's 40 rationed stores and 2,000 liters of fuel are being saved every month.

What was the situation until four months ago?

The closest pasteurizer is located in the Sandino municipality, 40 kilometers away from Mantua, the most important town in the area. Thus, in order to deliver the milk to that plant, a truck had to travel a minimum of 80 kilometers –because distances are different-- each day to make the round journey. I say "a minimum" because other areas of the municipality are even farther away.

The milk that children and other consumers in Mantua receive on a regulated basis, once pasteurized at the Sandino plant, returned, shortly afterwards, on a vehicle which, as it is logical to assume, had to return to its base of operations after delivering the product. In total, it traveled 160 kilometers, a journey which, as I explained, was in fact longer.

I don’t know if at the moment this is still the case but some time ago, as I was touring the southeast of Camaguey and in a place known as Los Raules –my namesake-- I asked a few questions. It happened that all the milk produced at Los Raules was brought to Camaguey for pasteurizing, and the milk assigned to the children at Los Raules had to be taken back there after that. Is that still the case?

On one occasion, not long ago, less than a year, I asked if that insane and absurd crisscrossing had been eliminated. I assure you that I was told it had, and now we are finding out this.

Try thinking about things like these and you’ll see the spending they mean.

The commendable aim of all of this crisscrossing was, as we can see, to pasteurize all milk. This measure makes sense and it is necessary in the case of large urban centers —even though it is customary in Cuba to boil all milk at home, whether the milk is pasteurized or not— and all milk needed to supply cities will thus continue to be stocked and pasteurized, but it does not prove viable for a truck --or hundreds of trucks-- to travel these long distances every day to deliver a few liters of milk, to places which produce enough of it to be self-sufficient.

As from the victory of the Revolution, the Cubans have learned to travel from west to east, mostly from east to west really, but our wishes to travel have led us to make the milk travel as well.

In addition to the municipalities participating in this experiment, which I mentioned already, another 3,500 rationed stores in other municipalities and provinces are also directly distributing milk, and over 7 million liters of milk have already been distributed.

This procedure will gradually begin to be applied in more and more places, as expediently as possible but without any rash attempts at making it a general formula. In all cases, its application will be preceded by a comprehensive study that demonstrates its viability in a specific place and reveals the existence of the needed organizational and material conditions.

We will continue to work in this direction until all of the country's municipalities that produce the needed quantities of milk become self-sufficient and can complete, within their jurisdiction, the cycle which begins when a cow is milked and ends when a child or any other person drinks the milk, to the extent that present conditions allow.

That is to say, the chief aim of these efforts is to produce as much milk as possible, and I say this is possible in the overwhelming majority of municipalities, except for those in the capital of the country, that is, those which are not in the outskirts of the city, because there they can produce milk too. There are already some capital cities in various provinces that can produce enough in their main municipalities; such is the case of Sancti Spiritus. And, we must definitely produce more milk!

I mean, the main purpose is to produce more milk to first ensure what we need for our children. We are talking about a basic food for children, and for the ill people; we cannot fool around with that either. But we should neither renounce the possibility that others may also receive it in the future.

Additionally, this program intends to continue increasing fuel savings; something very important, too.

This program responds to today’s existing situation, where dreams of the vast imports of fodder and other inputs of decades past, when the world was very different from what it is today, are just that: dreams.

This is but one example of the abundant resources that become available when we organize ourselves better and analyze an issue as deeply as required, mindful of all the involved factors.

WE ARE STUDYING THE POSSIBILITY OF SECURING MORE FOREIGN INVESTMENT

I reiterate that our problems will not be solved spectacularly. We need time and, most importantly, we need to work systematically and with devotion to consolidate every achievement, no matter how small.

Another nearly endless source of resources —if we consider how much we squander—is to be found in saving, particularly, as we said, the saving of fuel, whose price is increasingly prohibitive, and very unlikely to decrease.

This is a task of strategic importance which is not always undertaken with the necessary care, and wasteful practices have not yet been halted. The example with the milk is enough.

Wherever it is rational to do so, we must also recover domestic industrial production and begin producing new products that eliminate the need for imports or create new possibilities for export.

In this connection, we are currently studying the possibility of securing more foreign investment, of the kind that can provide us with capital, technology or markets, to avail ourselves of its contribution to the country's development, careful not to repeat the mistakes of the past, owed to naivety or our ignorance about these partnerships, of using the positive experiences we've had to work with serious entrepreneurs, upon well-defined legal bases which preserve the role of the State and the predominance of socialist property. ¡

We shall step up our cooperative efforts with other nations more and more, aware that only united, and on the basis of utter respect for the path chosen by every country, will we prevail. Proof of this are the steps we are taking forward next to our brothers in Venezuela, Bolivia and Nicaragua, and our solid ties to China and Vietnam, to mention but a few noteworthy examples of the growing number of countries in all continents with which relations of all kinds are being re-established and extended.

We will continue to make a priority of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the growing international movement of solidarity towards the Revolution. We will also continue to work with the United Nations Organization and other multilateral organizations of which Cuba is a member, which respect the norms of international law and contribute to the development of nations and to peace.

THE ONLY THING THAT ANY CUBAN REVOLUTIONARY SHOULD NEVER QUESTION IS OUR UNWAVERING DECISION TO BUILD SOCIALISM

Many are the battles we face simultaneously and which require us to bring together our forces to maintain the unity of the people, the Revolution's greatest weapon, and to take advantage of the potential of a socialist society like ours. The coming People's Power elections will be a new opportunity to demonstrate how extraordinarily strong our democracy —a true democracy—is.

It is the duty of each and every one of us, of Party cadres especially, not to allow ourselves be overwhelmed by any difficulty, no matter how great or insurmountable it may seem to us at a given moment.

We must remember how, despite the initial confusion and discouragement, we managed to face up to the first, harsh years of the Special Period early the last decade, and how we managed to move forward. What we said then we can more justifiably repeat today: Yes, we can do it!

In response to bigger problems or challenges, more organization, more systematic and effective work, more studies and predictions on the basis of plans where our priorities are clearly established and no one attempts to solve their problems at any cost or at the expense of others.

We must also work with a critical and creative spirit, avoiding stagnation and schematics. We must never fall prey to the idea that what we do is perfect but rather examine it again. The one thing a Cuban revolutionary will never question is our unwavering decision to build socialism.

It was with the same profound conviction that, in this very place, on July 26, 1989, exactly 18 years ago to this day, Fidel historically and prophetically affirmed that, even in the hypothetical case that the Soviet Union were to collapse, we would continue to move forward with the Revolution, determined to pay the steep price of freedom and to act on the basis of dignity and principles.

History has offered abundant proof that our people’s determination is as hard as rock. To honor this determination, we are duty-bound to question everything we do as we strive to materialize our will more and more perfectly, to change concepts and methods which were appropriate at one point but have been surpassed by life itself.

We must always remember — and not to repeat it from memory like a dogma, but rather to apply it creatively in our work every day—what comrade Fidel affirmed on May 1st, 2000, with a definition which embodies the quintessence of political and ideological work:

"Revolution means a sense of our moment in history, it means changing all that ought to be changed; it is full equality and freedom; it is being treated and treating others like human beings; it is emancipating ourselves by ourselves, and through our own efforts; it is defying powerful and ruling forces inside and outside of the social and national spheres; it is defending values that are believed in at the cost of any sacrifice; it is modesty, selflessness, altruism, solidarity and heroism; it is fighting with audacity, intelligence and realism; it is never lying or violating ethical principles; it is the profound conviction that there is no force in the world capable of crushing the strength of truth and ideas. Revolution is unity, it is independence, it is fighting for our dreams for justice for Cuba and for the world, it is the foundation of our patriotism, our socialism and our internationalism."

The best tribute we can pay the Commander in Chief today, the greatest contribution to his recovery we can make, is to ratify the decision to make a guide of those principles and, most importantly, to act in accordance with them every day, at whatever post has been assigned us.

True to the legacy of our glorious dead, we will work tirelessly to wholly meet the directives of his Proclamation, the many he has given us since then and as many as he gives us in the future.

There is no room for fear of difficulties or danger in our country, which shall never lower its guard before its enemies. That is the essential guarantee that, in our squares and, should it be necessary, in our trenches too0, these are the cries that shall always resound in our land:

Long live the Revolution!

Long live Fidel