January 31, 2007

The "SOA 16" - guilty of telling the truth

Margaret Bryant-Gainer, 38, of Shenandoah Junction, West Virginia was sentenced to 71 days. Margaret was incarcerated in Muscogee County jail since November 2006 and was released on Monday. Welcome home Margaret!

Tina Busch-Nema, 48, Kirkwood, Missouri - - 2 months in federal prison

Don Coleman, 69, a co-pastor at the University Church, from Chicago, Illinois - 2 months in federal prison

Valerie Fillenwarth, 64, a homemaker from Indianapolis, Indiana - 3 months & 10 days in federal prison

Philip Gates, 70, a retired school superintendent from Prescott, Arizona - 2 months in federal prison

Alice Gerard, 50, a freelance journalist from Grand Island, New York - 6 months in federal prison

Joshua Harris, 30, from San Diego is a graduate student at Claremont University - 2 months in federal prison

Melissa Helman, 23, a student from Ashland, Wisconsin - 2 months in federal prison

Martina Leforce, 22, Berea, Kentucky - 2 months in federal prison

Julienne Oldfield, 69, Syracuse, New York - 3 months in federal prison

(Katherine) Whitney Ray, a 17 year old college student from Indianapolis, Indiana - 1 year probation and community service

Sheila Salmon, 71, Sebastian, Florida - 3 months & 10 days in federal prison
Nathan Slater, 23, Berea / Edmonton, Kentucky - 2 months in federal prison

Mike Vosburg-Casey, a 32 year old piano tuner and chicken farmer from Atlanta, Georgia - 3 months & 10 days in federal prison

Graymon Ward, 20, Raleigh, North Carolina - 1 month in federal prison

Cathy Webster, 61, a peace activist and grandmother from Chico, California - 2 months in federal prison




Support those Facing Prison for Speaking Out Against the SOA

Prison witness has been a core element of the SOA Watch movement since its beginning. In the tradition of Gandhi, Dorothy Day, Martin Luther King Jr., Aung San Suu Kyi and countless others, SOA Watch activists have used peaceful, nonviolent resistance to expose the horrors of the SOA/ WHINSEC and to express solidarity with our sisters and brothers in Latin America.

As a result, 211 SOA Watch human rights defenders have collectively spent over 92 years in prison. Over 50 people have served probation sentences. Their sacrifice and steadfastness in the struggle for peace and justice provide an extraordinary example of love in action and have given tremendous momentum to the effort to change oppressive US foreign policy and to close the SOA/ WHINSEC.


Click here for actions to take in solidarity with those in prison and on probation.

Read the chronology of past SOA Watch prisoners of conscience.

8:00am -
The procession arrived at the Columbus U.S. Courthouse and met with the local press for a fifteen minute press conference. We heard statements from five of the 16 defendants: Joshua Harris, Cathy Webster, Martina Leforce, Alice Gerard and Don Coleman. In his statement, Joshua Harris spoke of the diverse backgrounds and inspiration of the sixteen defendants; Cathy Webster, in all her wisdom as a grandmother and peace activists reminded us of the importance of love and solidarity against all odds ; Martina Leforce spoke of the connections between the SOA/WHINSEC and the inherent injustice within the political and economical policies implemented by the U.S. government; defendant Alice Gerard's statement focused our need to defend our right to freedom of speech; the closing statement came from Don Coleman of Chicago, IL who told us the story of a family from Guatemala who was torn apart by SOA-trained military during the dirty war.


7:40am -

The SOA 16 together with friends, families and supporters began the march to the courthouse calling out the names of victims of SOA/WHINSEC sponsored violence in Latin America and responding with "Presente!".


7:30am -

This morning we gathered at the lobby of the Howard Johnson hotel on Veteran's Parkway to begin the procession to the U.S. Courthouse. Fr. Roy Bourgeoise of SOA Watch gave an emotionally-charged opening speech before initiating the march to downtown Columbus.


January 28-30, 2007 - Festival of Hope and SOA 16 Trials

Throughout the week of January 28-30 Columbus, Georgia is once again the meeting place for human rights activists from around the country. Families, friends and supporters traveled thousands of miles to accompany and share with the sixteen SOA Watch activists who will be facing trial on Monday the 29th.

- On Sunday, January 28th we gathered at the Howard Johnson’s Presidential Ballroom to celebrate the Festival of Hope. We celebrated the struggle for human rights and justice by sharing stories, anecdotes, poetry and singing songs of hope.

Former Prisoner of Conscience (POC), Ken Kennon, read a poem written during his time served in federal prison for protesting the SOA/WHINSEC. Father Roy Bourgeoise gave us an update from his recent trip to Latin America where together with Lisa Sullivan, Carlos Mauricio and Pablo Ruiz (Observadores de la Escuela de las Americas-Chile) he met with other human rights activists and government authorities in Panama, Ecuador, Colombia and Nicaragua. We also had the honor of hearing Jennifer Harbury, author of “Truth, Torture and the American Way” (Beacon Press, 2005) and widow of Efrain Bamaca Velasquez, a Mayan resistance leader who was abducted, tortured and executed by Guatemalan graduates of the SOA/WHINSEC.



- On Monday, January 29, the SOA 16 will appear in federal court in Columbus to put the SOA/WHINSEC on trial.The sixteen were arrested on November 19, 2006, after carrying the protest to close the School of the Americas (SOA/WHINSEC) onto the Fort Benning Military Reservation, publicly defying the laws which prevent political speech on military bases and making a bold call for justice and accountability.

The sixteen were held at Ft. Benning and charged for "unlawful entry" by the federal court. Fifteen of the sixteen arrested were released after bail money ($500 - $1,000/per person) was posted. One person, Margaret Bryant-Ganer, opted to remain in prison, awaiting trial; she is being held at Muscogee County Jail in Columbus, Georgia. (Photo: Linda Panetta )

Read about the SOA 16 in the news.

January 30, 2007

latest information on those detained in Oaxaca

Posted by brownfemipower, via El Enemigo Comun

To the Peoples of the World
To the Adherents of the Other Campaign
To the Free Communications Media
BROTHERS and SISTERS

Oaxaca de Juárez, Oaxaca January 18, 2007

We inform you that at 11:53PM we found out that the companeros Ramiro Martinez Caballero from the Oaxacan Zapatista Network and Eduardo Alberto from the Automous Libertarian Resistance Bloc, both adherents of the Other Campaign were found by lawyers at the Municipal Police headquarters accused of harming a patrol officer. (en español)

We know the crimes they are accused of are fabricated, as this false justice wants to do away with the movement.

Right now lawyers are inside the grounds and a camp is also being set up outside the municipal police headquarters to demand freedom for the companeros and information about their physical and psychological conditions.

An injunction against disappearances and torture has been presented, although the lawyers have not yet been able to enter at this hour of the morning.

We blame Ulises Ruiz Ortiz for everything that might happen to us, and all the police who ever since the beginning of his government have done nothing but commit crimes against the people of Oaxaca.

We ask that everyone who sees this message carry out actions and call on the federal government to demand that all the dissappeared companeras and companeros are found alive, the political prisoners are freed, and all of the just demands of the people of Oaxaca are resolved.

For the reconstitution and the free association of the peoples, Popular Indigenous Council of Oaxaca “Ricardo Flores Magn” CIPO-RFM

Venezuela's RCTV Acts of Sedition

On December 28, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez Frias delivered his annual "greeting speech" to the National Armed Forces (FAN) and announced the operating license of TV station Radio Caracas Television (known as RCTV) broadcasting on VHF Channel 2 won't be renewed when it expires on May 27, 2007. The station played a leading role, along with the other four major commercial private television channels in the country controlling 90% of the TV market, in instigating and supporting the 2002 aborted two-day coup against President Chavez. Later in the year they acted together again in similar fashion as an active participant in the economically destructive 2002-03 main trade union confederation (CTV) - chamber of commerce (Fedecameras) lockout and industry-wide oil strike that included sabotage against the state oil company PDVSA costing it overall an estimated $14 billion in lost revenue and damage.

A collaborative alliance of the five media "majors" that include Globovision, Televen, CMT and Venevision (owned by billionaire strident anti-Chavista Gustavo Cisneros who's called the Rupert Murdoch of Latin America because of his vast media holdings) along with RCTV began their anti-Chavez campaign soon after Hugo Chavez assumed office in 1999. In addition, 9 of the 10 major national dailies were part of the joint corporate effort to harm Chavez's popular support and undermine his legitimacy even before he had a chance to implement his socially democratic agenda now flourishing under his Bolivarian Revolution. It included the country's new Constitution and all vital social missions it gave birth to and now deliver essential services to the people who never had them before including free health and dental care and education to the highest level - for everyone mandated by law.

The corporate media alliance, that included RCTV, had prior knowledge of the April, 2002 coup plot that was apparent from the front page of national daily El Nacional in a special day of the coup April 11 edition of the paper printed before it began and headlined: The Final Battle Will Be in Miraflores (the presidential palace). The same day, another daily, The Daily Journal (an English language paper), headlined on its front page (also printed in advance of the coup's initiation): State of Agony Stunts Government.

In the days leading up to April 11, 2002, Venevision, Globovision, Televen and RCTV suspended regular programming replacing it with anti-Chavez speeches and virulent propaganda featuring strong rhetoric and calling on the Venezuelan people to take to the streets on that day they knew in advance had been scheduled for the coup. They blared it was "For freedom and democracy. Venezuela will not surrender. No one will defeat us." This went on continuously in tone and content practically announcing a call to arms insurrection on the scheduled coup date asking people to participate supporting the overthrow of their democratically elected president and government.

On April 10, one day before the coup, General Nestor Gonzales got air time on the major corporate broadcast media announcing the high military command demanded Hugo Chavez step down from office or be forcibly removed. The day following the coup, the dominant commercial media revealed their involvement in it, and on one April 12 Venevision morning program military and civilian coup leaders appeared on-air to thank the corporate media channels for their important role, including the images they aired while it was in progress, stating how important their participation was to the success of the plot. It failed two days later largely because of mass public opposition to it with huge crowds on the streets supporting their president in far greater numbers than those favoring the coup-plotters.

It was also later revealed the two-day only installed Venezuelan president Pedro Carmona had used the facilities of Gustavo Cisneros' Venevision as a "bunker" or staging area base of operations and was seen leaving its building heading for the Miraflores to take office as president of Venezuela on April 11 in flagrant violation of the law.

The dominant private corporate media clearly and unequivocally were part of the coup plot. They colluded to promote it in advance and then incited the public with anti-Chavez propaganda encouraging it while suppressing all news and information supporting Hugo Chavez that might have helped prevent it. It's likely RCTV alone is being singled out at this time because it's VHF license expiration is imminent in a few months. But it's also known a managing producer of the station's El Observer news program testified to the Venezuelan National Assembly that he and others at the station got orders on the day of the coup from RCTV's owner that on April 11 and the following day: "No information on Chavez, his followers, his ministers, and all others" was to be allowed on-air on the station. Instead the corporate media falsely reported Hugo Chavez had resigned when, in fact, he'd been forcibly removed and was being held against his will. They all knew it because they were told in advance and were part of the scheme.

On April 13, when hundreds of thousands of Chavez supporters took to the streets, the corporate media TV stations ignored them and instead broadcast old movies and cartoons like nothing of importance was happening. Even when the coup was aborted and pro-Chavez cabinet members returned to the presidential palace, it got no coverage on corporate-run TV or in the dominant print media. In addition, state television was taken off the air suppressing any truth coming out that lasted until Chavez supporters took over the station and began broadcasting real information to the public for the first time after the coup and until things returned to normal following it.

Even after Hugo Chavez was freed and returned to the Miraflores, the only station broadcasting it was the state-owned channel. The dominant private media instead maintained strict censorship in a further collaborative act of defiance. They refused to admit or inform the public that Hugo Chavez was returned to office because the people of Venezuela demanded it and succeeded in spite of all obstacles impeding them. It was an impressive moment in Venezuela's history that will long be remembered and is an important lesson to free people everywhere that mass people power fighting for their rights and freedom can prevail even against great odds.

It's also a testimony to Hugo Chavez and how the country has prospered under him benefitting everyone, including those behind the plot to oust him who might consider the 2006 preliminary year end economic growth numbers showing the Venezuelan economy grew at least 10% for the third straight year, including in 10 of the last 11 quarters. These impressive results were aided by record oil income. With it, government spending and subsidies increased sparking a jump in overall consumer demand. It boosted income for the country's most in need but also made the rich even richer. Instead of trying to oust Hugo Chavez, the anti-Chavistas might want to reconsider and thank him instead, but that wasn't their intent in 2002, and it isn't now either.

Venezuelan Corporate Media Defiant and Undeterred Even After the Coup Plot Failed

The dominant Venezuelan corporate media remained defiant even in defeat and showed it only months later that year in December, 2002 when a second de facto planned coup plot against Hugo Chavez began. This time it took the form of the opposition declaring a "general strike" that was reported that way by the corporate media even though, in fact, it was a management-imposed lockout workers had no part in or wanted. News reports falsely portrayed it as an oil industry workers' strike supported by laborers and management. It was not as it was planned and implemented by high level managers and executives in the oil industry who sabotaged equipment, changed access codes, and locked workers out of computer information systems halting production. The action devastated the Venezuelan economy. It threw many thousands out of work, affected other businesses, caused many to go bankrupt, and effectively destabilized the country for over two months.

During this period, the corporate media took full advantage launching an information war against the Chavez government. Again the four main TV stations suspended all regular programming replacing it with pro-opposition propaganda round the clock non-stop for the 64 day strike period denouncing Chavez and only stopping when the strike ended.

Hugo Chavez's Justification to Act Against RCTV

After Hugo Chavez announced RCTV's VHF license wouldn't be renewed, 1BC president (and owner of RCTV) Marcel Granier responded: "We all know what this is all about. They are trying to abolish freedom of speech and force the media to obey Government rules." He also falsely tried claiming his license ran until 2012 because it was renewed for 10 years in 2001. William Lara, head of Venezuela's Ministry of Information and Communications, explained the license, in fact, was gotten in May, 1987 and had only been resubmitted in 2001 because of the passage of a new communications law that year. Lara also said in a subsequent press conference Chavez's move against RCTV should come as no surprise and added this move is not a "revocation or expropriation" of the privately-owned RCTV but just the "termination" of its license.

Lara said Chavez intends to "rescue" the channel for the Venezuelan people. RCTV will still be able to operate on public airwaves via cable and satellite, and Channel 2's concession will either be given to an RCTV worker cooperative, a public-private consortium, or to the state for use as an entertainment channel with state Channel 8 (VTV) becoming a 24 hour news channel and both channels henceforth airing a better mix of socially responsible programming.

The result will be greater democratization of the public airwaves with less control of them in the hands of media oligarchs and more of it given to the people of Venezuela. This is how a functioning democracy is supposed to work. It can't if public airwaves are controlled by corporate media giants operating in their own self-interest while ignoring issues vital to the public welfare the way oligarchs do it in Venezuela.

Chavez wants to promote more openness and diversity, an initiative that should be championed, not denouced. The issue is not a denial of free speech. It promotes it and advocates social responsibility and adherence to the law. RCTV was in flagrant violation on both counts, and with its VHF license shortly up for renewal will now be held to account for violating the public trust as it should be. It has only itself to blame for the impending action against it that's fully justified and long overdue.

Lara and his government also defended the license termination action against the baseless Organization of American States (OAS) January 5 accusation issued by its Secretary-General Jose Miguel Insulza that "The closing of a mass communications outlet....has no precedent in the recent decades of democracy." By making it, Insulza shows he's complicit with Venezuelan media oligarchs and the Bush administration acting in their behalf supporting RCTV's right to violate Venezuelan law and get away with it.

That was the message from the Venezuelan foreign ministry in its statement issued in response saying Insulza was "improperly meddling in a matter that is the strict competency of Venezuelan authorities and denied its decision had any appearance of censorship (and that Insulza) should retract a series of comments that go against the truth." The foreign ministry directly accused Insulza of being influenced by Venezuelans and foreigners wishing to discredit Hugo Chavez and that his statement showed an "unfortunate ignorance of reality" in Venezuela. Hugo Chavez was even more direct in comments he made at the swearing-in of his new cabinet on January 8 saying Insulza is an "idiot" (pendejo) and called for his resignation. He added a Secretary-General "who reaches this level must, out of dignity, leave his office unless someone wants to once again convert the OAS into what Fidel Castro once called....the ministry of the colonies (with its HQ in Washington.)"

Several NGOs of note also voiced baseless and disingenuous criticism claiming Chavez violated standards of free speech and freedom of the press. They know better and acted shamelessly doing it. They include Human Rights Watch, Reporters Without Borders (RSF), and Peruvian-based Press and Society Institute monitoring Andean region free press attacks and funded by the US National Endowment of Democracy (NED) that only supports media allied with its neoliberal right wing agenda.

These organizations ignored the facts and dangers of a private media monopoly controlling the public airwaves. Instead they chose to ally themselves with corporate interests with comments like calling Chavez's freedom of the press record a "serious (abuse of power and) attack on editorial pluralism (and he should) reconsider (his) stance and guarantee an independent system of concessions and renewal of licenses." Based on the facts, these kinds of comments are unwarranted and indefensible.

RCTV began broadcasting in 1953, airs Venezuela's most hard right yellow journalism and consistently shows a lack of ethics, integrity or professional standards in how it operates as required by law. It's current license was granted for a 20 year period expiring on May 27, 2007. At that time, the government may choose to renew it or not, and Hugo Chavez announced the latter choice was made, and it won't be reversed. Minister Lara added pointed comments about the state of the corporate media in Venezuela along with the Chavez government's commitment to the right of free expression. He said: "Journalism in this country is plagued with lies. They lie when they talk about revocation and expropriation....The country with the highest standards of freedom of speech in our continent - with all due respect for the rest of Latin America - is Venezuela. The degree of freedom of speech is so high that lies are spread throughout the country and no penalty is imposed."

The minister is right as was evidenced in the 2006 presidential campaign when the corporate media reported one-sided pro-opposition support for Manuel Rosales along with strident anti-Chavez propaganda throughout the pre-electoral period. Hugo Chavez tolerated it all and threatened no retaliation or intent to revoke or act against any media outlet unfairly hostile to him. This is not the behavior of a tyrant. It's the way a democrat acts, but even democrats like Chavez can and should demand the media and all others obey the law. His decision affecting RCTV shows he's doing it and nothing else. He's in full compliance with Venezuelan law as explained below.

Venezuela's Law of Social Responsibility for Radio and Television (LSR)

Most countries (including the US) have laws and/or regulations setting standards of acceptable practice for the media especially the radio and television broadcast parts of it reaching large audiences including children exposed to them and who don't read print publications. Venezuela has such a law called the Law of Social Responsibility for Radio and Television (LSR). Enforcement of it is handled by the National Telecommunications Commission, an independent regulatory body with authority to issue broadcasting licenses. The law's intent is to define and "establish the social responsibility of radio and television service providers, related parties, national independent producers, and users in the process of broadcasting and reception of messages, promoting a democratic equilibrium between their duties, rights, and interests, with the goal of seeking social justice and contributing to citizenship formation, democracy, peace, human rights, education, culture, public health, and the social and economic development of the Nation, in conformity with constitutional norms and principles, legislation for the holistic protection of boys, girls, and adolescents, education, social security, free competition, and the Organic Telecommunications Law."

Quite a mouthful, but indeed a worthy list of guidelines and principles the electronic media are mandated to follow and be held accountable for if they don't.

The LSR guarantees:

-- Freedom of expression without censorship.

-- Judicial mechanisms for families and the whole population to develop socially responsibly as an audience.

-- The exercise and respect for human rights.

-- An emphasis on social and cultural information and material for children and adolescents to aid their development and social conscience.

-- To encourage domestic independent productions.

-- To achieve a balance between the duties, rights, and interests of the people and the radio and television providers and related parties.

-- To disseminate Venezuelan cultural values.

-- To meet the needs of the hearing-impaired.

-- To promote active citizen participation in affairs of the country.

Failure to conform to these standards and principles may result in fines, the denial of broadcast spaces, suspension or revocation of broadcast licenses or refusal to renew the right to continue broadcasting. Any of these punitive measures may be imposed by the institutions having authority to enforce the law including the Directorate's Counsel on Social Communication and the National Commission on Telecommunications. They can act against broadcasters violating these required standards and practices if they do any of the following:

-- Transmit messages that illegally promote, apologize for, or incite disobedience to the law (that certainly include any television programming intended to enlist public support to overthrow the democratically elected president or others in the government).

-- Transmit messages that impede the actions of citizen security organisms and the judicial branch necessary to guarantee everyone the right to life, health and personal integrity.

-- Transmit propaganda or advertisements violating what's deemed lawful under the LSR (that would also include any television programming intending to incite violence, public disorder or the unseating of government officials).

-- Are non-compliant with the obligation to offer free spaces to the State including to the Executive Branch's Information and Communication Ministry.

Committing any of the above violations may result in a suspension of license for up to 72 hours when messages transmitted are intended to: incite war, adversely affect public order and crime, or are against the national security. A license may be revoked for up to five years when a penalty for any of the above violations is repeated following suspension and within five years of the first penalty.

Venezuela's five dominant corporate television broadcasters are repeat offenders having violated LSR provisions by their on-air programming with intent to incite violence and public support to destabilize and overthrow the Chavez government. Because RCTV's operating license expires in May, 2007, the Venezuelan government is entitled and even obligated to refuse renewal for the channel's repeated violations of the law as a way to protect public safety and the welfare of all Venezuelan people. Information and Communication Minister William Lara denounced those in the media and the country distorting the facts leading to the government's decision. He explained RCTV's practices in recent years have promoted intolerance, disobedience, and disrespect for the law. In a word, this broadcaster openly defies the law, its actions are flagrant and deplorable, and it must not be allowed to continue in the interest of the country nor should any other broadcaster acting irresponsibly.

How the Venezuelan Corporate Media Would Fare Under US Law

Fortunately for their owners and managers, the dominant Venezuelan broadcast and print corporate-controlled media don't operate under US laws. If they did, they'd be in very serious trouble with the likely suspension of their operating licenses the least of their woes.

If any part of the US media - corporate run, controlled or otherwise - reported the kind of strident anti-government propaganda intended to incite public hostility, violence and rebellion the way the Venezuelan dominant media do, they'd be subject to indictment on charges of sedition and possibly treason against the state - offenses far more serious than just the right to remain operating. During the 2002 April aborted coup and later anti-Chavez insurrection in the form of a general strike and management-imposed oil industry lockout, the Venezuelan corporate media acted in league with the oligarch opposition coup-plotters trying to overthrow democratically elected Hugo Chavez and his government.

In the US, this would be a violation of several laws at least including seditious conspiracy under Section 2384 of the US Code, Title 18 which states: "If two or more persons in any State or Territory (of the US)....conspire to overthrow, put down, or to destroy by force the (elected) Government of the United States, or to levy war against them, or to oppose by force the authority thereof, or by force to seize, take, or possess any property of the United States contrary to the authority thereof, they shall each be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than 20 years, or both.

They might also be charged with treason under Article 3, Section 3 of the US Constitution that defines this crime that's a far more serious offense and may be subject to capital punishment for those found guilty. Its definition under Section 3 states: "Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort." It would then remain for the courts to decide whether any individuals by their actions of trying to subvert and overthrow a duly constituted government would be guilty of this crime or any sub-category under it explained below.

That might, in fact, happen, especially in the current US climate where the law is what the chief executive says it is, and the courts are stacked with supportive judges willing to go along. Consider what crimes are related to treason in the US and how easily Venezuelan corporate media actions to subvert Hugo Chavez might fall under them. They include the following:

-- Insurrection or rebellion involving armed groups creating a reasonable expectation that force or violence may be used against the sitting government.

-- Mutiny or unlawfully taking over command of the US government, or any part of it, or any part of the military.

-- Sabotage to include damaging or tampering with any national defense material or national defense utilities that in Venezuela could include state oil company facilities vital to the operation and viability of the country and welfare of the people.

-- Sedition, already covered above, that includes any communication (like inflammatory TV or newspaper headlines and stories) intended to stir up treason or rebellion against the government.

-- Subversion that's defined as free speech gone much too far that includes transmitting blatantly false information aiding the enemy or opposition.

-- Syndicalism that is the act of organizing a political party or group advocating the violent overthrow of the government.

-- Terrorism defined as the systematic use of violence or threats of violence to intimidate or coerce the government or whole societies by targeting innocent noncombatants.

A strong case can be made that RCTV and the rest of the dominant broadcast and print corporate media in Venezuela are guilty of most or all these related acts of treason under US law. If so and if their owners and managers committed any of these offenses in the US, they could be charged at least with sedition and possibly treason, brought to trial and if found guilty be in very serious trouble.

It can reasonably be argued that attempting to forcibly overthrow a democratically elected government is treason under Article 3, Section 3 of the US Constitution and is no different than an act of war to accomplish the same thing. If a judge and jury agreed and it held up on appeal, the person or persons found guilty would likely either face the death penalty or life in prison without parole for what the US considers the most egregious of all crimes against the state and thus imposes its harshest penalties.

The oligarchs running the Venezuelan corporate media might contemplate that fate and be grateful they operate in democratic Venezuela and not in the truly harsh environment of the United States. Of course, they won't, their anti-Chavez campaign will go on unabated, and it will be supported by their counterparts in the US and Bush administration labeling Hugo Chavez a ruthless tyrant trying to destroy free speech and democracy and calling for his head.

It doesn't matter to those in the US power structure and their Venezuelan counterparts that they're the guilty ones and their charges against Hugo Chavez are disingenuous and baseless. Chavez is a true democrat with every right to expect all Venezuelans behave responsibly in conformity with the law.

Things aren't that way in the US where respect for the law and rights of ordinary people went out the window with the election of George Bush and his thuggish neocon administration. They condemn Hugo Chavez because he respects law and order and courageously supports the rights of all Venezuelans under it. In contrast, George Bush acts as a tyrant, claims the law is what he says it is, and defiles the US Constitution audaciously saying "It's just a goddamned piece of paper." He also flaunts international norms and standards and respect for human beings and their dignity he doesn't care about. Some difference, and readers can choose which leader they prefer. They can also choose the kinds of media they prefer getting their news and information from. Those opting for this web site have chosen well.

Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago and can be reached at lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net. Also visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com


January 29, 2007

Poverty drops to 32 percent in 2006

Poverty has continued to fall in Venezuela, and last year it dropped 1.9 percentage points, based on official figures.

According to President Hugo Chávez' annual report to the National Assembly, "ending 2006, overall poverty rate dropped to 32 percent."

In the first half of 2006, overall poverty was 33.99 percent, according to the data provided by the official National Statistics Institute (INE).

However, extreme poverty rate remained unchanged since mid-2006. According to Chávez' report, at the end of 2006 "households below the poverty line decreased to 10.6 percent," but this is the same figure of extreme poverty the INE reported for the first half of 2006.

"In 1999, 43.9 percent of Venezuelan households lived in poverty, with 17.1 percent of these households living in deplorable extreme poverty," Chávez said in his report. His figures, however, do not match the numbers provided by the official INE.

According to the National Statistics Institute, in the first half of 1999, the poverty hit 42.8 percent of Venezuelan households, and extreme poverty was 16.6 percent.

Chávez' attributed reduced poverty to his devised social, health and alimentation programs, known as "misiones."

Chávez Calls for United Socialist Party of Venezuela

by: John Riddell - Socialist Voice

When supporters of Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez rallied in the Teresa Carrena theatre in Caracas to celebrate their presidential election victory December 15, 2007, "there were cheers in the back half of the theatre," writes Michael Lebowitz, "but few in the high-priced seats."

This was not because Chávez spoke of going forward to socialism and combating corruption — that wasn’t new — but because "it was all about the new party," which Chávez insisted must be built "from the base" by the popular committees that fought and won the election. ("Chávez Moves Forward," venezuelanalysis.com)

The prospect of a united, fighting party of the Venezuelan masses is indeed unsettling to the conservative careerists who occupy many high posts in the pro-Chávez political parties. But for working people, it could be the instrument they need to break the present deadlock in Venezuela’s class struggle and move decisively against capitalist rule.
Victory Without Precedent

The victory of the Bolivarian movement in the December 3 presidential elections has created the most favourable conditions yet for such an advance. The Venezuelan people made the elections as the occasion for their largest mobilization ever in support of the Bolivarian movement and President Hugo Chávez.

The pro-Chávez vote of 7.3 million (63% of votes cast) was almost double his total in the last presidential elections, and 25% more than in the recall referendum of 2004. Moreover, Chávez supporters on election day massively occupied the streets, forestalling any opposition effort to challenge the vote.

So massive was the victory that the right-wing opposition, for the first time since the Bolivarians took office in 1998, conceded that they had indeed lost the election and that Chávez was Venezuela’s legitimate president. With characteristic generosity, Chávez congratulated the opposition for "their display of democracy" and invited them to "include themselves in the process of building the new Venezuela."
Program for Change

When his new cabinet was sworn in on January 8, Chávez pledged to set a fast pace in carrying out the mandate of Venezuelan voters. Among his proposed measures: nationalization of key industries privatized under previous governments, including the giant telecommunications and electricity companies, and expansion of government ownership of oil projects. The national bank’s independence will be curbed.

More power will be transferred to the recently created communal councils (see below). What is needed, Chávez said, is to "dismantle the bourgeois state" and create a "communal state."

Progress toward a new socialist party will be crucial in enabling these and other programs to advance.
Danger From Within

According to Lebowitz, a Caracas-based Marxist writer, the main danger to the Venezuelan revolution comes not from this opposition, its backers in Washington, or the capitalist class they represent. "The problem of the Venezuelan revolution is from within. It’s whether it will be deformed by people around Chávez."

Many officials in the Bolivarian political parties "want Chávez without socialism," Lebowitz says, and "want to retain the power to make decisions from above." (See "Challenges for Venezuela’s Revolution," in Socialist Voice #100)

Following the elections, officials of many of the two dozen parties of the Bolivarian movement made boastful statements regarding how many of the Chávez votes had been on their ticket. (Under Venezuelan electoral law, Chávez’s vote is the sum total of that of all the parties who named him as their candidate. The Movement for the Fifth Republic [MVR] picked up about two-thirds of the Bolivarian votes; the rest were widely scattered.)

"Let’s not fall into lies," said Chávez on December 15. "Those votes were not for any party… they were votes for Chávez, for the people." The audience then responded with an ovation to his call, "Don’t divide the people!"
A New Party

"The revolution requires a united party, not an alphabet soup," Chávez said. "I Hugo Chávez Frias … declare today that I am going to create a new party." It will be "a political instrument at the service not of blocs or groupings but of the people and the Revolution, at the service of socialism." To great applause, he proposed the name "United Socialist Party of Venezuela" (PSUV).

As for those who doubt the wisdom of this proposal, Chávez continued, "I don’t have time to bury myself in a debate … they are entirely free to pursue their course." But "obviously, they will leave the government."

The new party will not be a copy of any existing organization. As for the dominant Bolivarian party, the MVR, which Chávez himself founded, "it work is completed; it must pass into history." Nor would party officials be automatically carried over to the new formation: "You will not see me with the same old faces, the same party leaderships — no, that would be a deception."

How then will the party be formed? Chávez recalled the battle of the recall referendum in 2004, which was won by thousands of Units for the Electoral Battle (UBEs), made up of working people across the country. "Afterwards, I asked everyone to maintain the UBEs … but almost everywhere they were lost.… Let us be sure this does not happen after our great victory of December 3."
Built by the Ranks

Hailing the great work of 11,000 Bolivarian battalions, 32,800 platoons, and innumerable squads in rallying the people for this victory, Chávez said, "Let not a single squad dissolve. Starting tomorrow, the leaders of the squads, platoons, and battalions must bring together their troops, their worthy troops, who are the people."

Get hold of a computer, typewriter, whatever, Chávez said, and draw up a list — "a census of the activists, sympathizers, and friends" — for "the battalions, platoons, and squads will be the basic national structure" of the new party, a party built "from below."

Chávez blasted the prevailing custom of hand-picking candidates and leaders from above — in the Venezuelan idiom, singling them out "with the finger." "Enough of the little finger," he said, "and generally it’s often my finger," when he is "asked to take decisions on candidates…. This should all be done from below, from the base. The people should take these decisions, as has been written in our Constitution for seven years, except we haven’t done it. Now is the time to start."
Elitist Models

Most Latin American left parties of the 20th century, Chávez noted, had "copied the Bolshevik model of the party," which under Lenin’s leadership brought victory in the Russian revolution of 1917. Later, this party "went off course, which Lenin could not prevent because he was ill and died very young." The Bolsheviks "ended up as an anti-democratic party, and the wonderful slogan, ‘All power to the soviets,’ ended up as ‘All power for the party.’

"In my humble opinion, this deformation took place close to the outset of the socialist revolution that gave birth to the Soviet Union, and we saw the results 70 years later" in the USSR’s collapse. Workers did not come out to defend the Soviet system "because it had become converted into an elitist structure that could not build socialism.

"We here will build Venezuelan socialism — an original Venezuelan model."

The new party "must be created not for electoral purposes — even though it will carry out electoral battles as we have done," Chávez said. "The task is to carry out the battle of ideas for the socialist project." For this purpose, everyone must "study, read, discuss" and "distribute information, printed material."
Roots of Socialism in Religion

Chávez took care to present socialism not as something new, invented, or imported, but as growing organically out of the traditions and beliefs of the Venezuelan people. The socialist project, he said on December 3, is "Indo-Venezuelan, homegrown, Christian, and Bolivarian."

In his December 15 address, he utilized relevant passages in the Christian Bible to good effect.

The prophet Isaiah condemned those who accumulate wealth, "Woe to those who add house to house [and] join field to field, until there is no more room" (Isaiah 5:8)

Jesus’s Sermon on the Mount blessed the poor and denounced the rich: "Woe to you that are well fed, for you shall hunger." (Luke 6:20-25)

"We are much more moderate than Christ," Chávez said. "We don’t want anyone to go hungry" and that the rich "share with us the happiness of being free … everyone free and equal." But Jesus "was a radical, a revolutionary, an avenger, and that’s why he was crucified by the capitalists and imperialists of that time."

Chávez pointed to the example of the early Christian church, quoting the Biblical account that believers who owned land and other property donated them to the community, "and distribution was made to each as any had need." For the company of believers "were of one heart and soul, and no one said that any of the things which he possessed was his own, but they had everything in common." (Acts 4:32-35)
Roots of Socialism in Venezuela

"Once Fidel [Castro] told me, speaking of Christ, ‘I’m a Christian in social questions.’" Chávez added, "Well, the atheists are welcome. This is not a religious movement…. I’m just searching for its roots."

Then he pointed to the example of Simón Bolívar, "a pre-socialist thinker," who believed that society must be based on equality. Among Bolívar’s companions, Simón Rodríguez was a "socialist thinker," and the Brazilian revolutionary José Ignacio Abreu de Lima was author of "the first book on socialism written in the Americas."

Chávez also recalled how the pioneer Peruvian socialist, José Carlos Mariátegui, had pointed to the socialist project’s roots in the indigenous societies of America. The indigenous peoples "lived in socialism for centuries," Chávez said. Naming several aboriginal communities in Venezuela — including that of the Delta Amacuro, "where we won 100% of the vote" — Chávez called them "the bearers of the socialist seed in our land, our nation, our America." They must be the vanguard, he said, "We are going to relaunch Indo-Venezuelan socialism."

Referring to all these experiences, Chávez said, "We’re going to take these models to the neighbourhoods, to the housing developments; we’re going to create spaces for socialism."
Scientific Socialism

Venezuela could not be satisfied with "utopian socialism," Chávez said. It offered no practical solutions "until Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels launched the Communist Manifesto — the thesis of scientific socialism."

They began to propose solutions based on "the transformation of the economic model" which is "fundamental if we wish to build a true socialism. Therefore we must socialize the economy," including the land, and create a "new productive model," he said. All the "new spaces that we are creating or regaining" will be "nuclei of socialist construction."

On January 8, Chávez was more explicit: the aim is "social ownership over the strategic sectors of the means of production."
Barriers to Progress

It is not hard to enumerate the massive obstacles facing Venezuelan workers and farmers along this road. The capitalist profit-making system remains intact — in fact, has had a banner year. The capitalist right wing controls almost all the media and benefits from the sympathy or lethargy of many in the governmental apparatus. The enemies of the revolution stand ready to use violence and dictatorship to impose their will — backed to the hilt by U.S. imperialism.

Although the Bolivarian government’s measures have brought tangible benefits to the poor, poverty remains widespread and profound. Land reform has progressed slowly. Only a minority of workers have stable employment in the legal economy.

And the Bolivarian trade union movement that represents this minority is in disarray, wracked by factional divisions, and has done little to implement the government’s program to expand workers’ control.

But the most immediate barriers impeding further advances towards overturning capitalism in Venezuela lie in the political realm — the state bureaucracy ensconced in the ministries and different levels of government, and a vast layer of careerists operating in the traditional political parties, including pro-Chavist organizations.

Most political parties in Venezuela function as electoral machines dominated by parasitic elements who use them to control and dispense jobs and other favours to their clientele. By launching a new united socialist party, Chávez has made an important move to allow workers and farmers to push these elements aside and position themselves to fight more effectively for their class interests.
Strategy for Socialism

The Bolivarian movement has not developed any blueprint for the transformation of this economy. Chávez’s speech on the new party, however, gives evidence of a strategy for the struggle for socialism based on placing power in the hands of the working people who have beaten back capitalist assaults in each successive confrontation. "We will build it from below, an endogenous socialism," Chávez said.

If built as Chávez advocates, the new party could solve the central challenge facing the Bolivarian movement: that of linking the worker and farmer base together with their chosen leadership in a cohesive, democratic political movement.

As for the government apparatus, the Bolivarians continue to focus on creating parallel institutions controlled by the worker-farmer ranks. On December 15, Chávez focused on the Communal Councils (Consejos Comunales), of which 16,000 have been organized to coordinate action around the concerns of residents. "They are the key to peoples’ power," he said, appealing for their extension to every party of the country.

These councils, he said, must "transcend the local framework" and achieve "a sort of regional federation of Communal Councils" that could elect coordinating bodies. On January 8, he went further, projecting the councils as the embryo of a new state.

A united socialist party will be key weapon in the fight to achieve such goals.
Challenge to Socialist Movement

On December 3, Chávez dedicated his election victory "to the Cuban people and to president Fidel Castro, brother, comrade, companion." The inspiration, guidance, and practical help of the Cuban revolutionaries has been crucial in winning Venezuelan working people to support socialism. Today Venezuela, allied with Cuba, plays a similar role in winning new forces internationally to the goal of socialism.

The outstanding significance of Chávez’s new-party initiative, as of all the Bolivarians’ major struggles of the last couple of years, is that a vision of authentic socialism is taking root. Socialists around the world must ensure that the voice of the Bolivarians is heard and understood heard by rebels and activists everywhere.

The Triquis Inaugurate Their New Autonomous Municipality

by Nancy Davies

Despite Attacks, Another Popular Assembly Emerges

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Abandonment and extreme misery and poverty, accompanied by repression against the Triqui, are the normal state of affairs, according to Edilberto Hernández Cárdenas, spokesperson for the new municipality.

With this declaration of autonomy by the twenty united communities, Edilberto Hernandez explained, they will reclaim the category of “free municipality” which they held in 1826 and which in 1948 was grabbed by the PRI government.
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The state of Oaxaca refuses to recognize the newly constituted municipality, which raises the question of how San Juan Copola can negotiate for its share of state funding. The obvious issue is that the new entity wants all the legal funding to which it is entitled to get down to the base, without it being siphoned off by PRI operatives. One might wonder how that could take place under the current PRI governor, who is fighting for his political life. Nevertheless, Ramírez speaks of negotiating.

“If the state government does not want to recognize us, we will have to resort to another type of action. We want to negotiate, but if it’s not possible, we will carry out marches, meetings, and encampments, until they give us recognition.”

Latinamerica “on the right path and advancing”

In a panel discussion at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, the Secretary General of the Organization of American States (OAS), José Miguel Insulza, and the Presidents of Brazil, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, and of Mexico, Felipe Calderón, highlighted the positive economic trend in Latin America and significant democratic progress achieved in the past year.

Insulza said he was optimistic about the current direction in Latin America and pointed out that the number of people living in extreme poverty in the hemisphere has diminished from 98 to 79 million.

“We are definitely on the right path, and the important thing is to continue moving forward” said Insulza who also underscored the “State’s recovery of ground” with a new role to play in “economic and social affairs”.

President Lula da Silva shared Insulza’s optimism and said that “trade relations in Latin America have grown, at an average 30% per year in South America, and in a very substantial way in all countries from Mexico to Patagonia. We have had extraordinary success in our trade relations.”

Mexican President Felipe Calderón said that “Latin America needs to be more united” arguing that “the world is changing and the region is undergoing rapid transformation”. Calderon underscored that the principle challenges facing his government are public security, job creation and combating poverty.

During the session, entitled “Latin America Broadens its Horizons,” Secretary General Insulza also referred to the positive effect, in terms of governance, that recent electoral processes have had for the region.

From December 2005 through December 2006, he said, some 20 countries held elections, the majority of which with observers from OAS.

“These elections were good, clean, competitive and participative” Insulza said. Nevertheless he admitted that certain problems having to do with governance remain in the region and must be addressed. He emphasized what he referred to as the “return of the state” to the socio-political arena, in the sense that the state has “a new role” both in economic and social issues.”

Insulza explained that as a result of the crises of the 1980’s, a school of thought that emerged in Latin America considered “that the state was not part of the solution; rather, it was part of the problem”.

This perception, he said, “has been completely overcome” as has been proven by events in recent years.