Behind the fire: Ben Dangl on struggles in Latin America

by Shay Totten
Wednesday, 11 July 2007
Vermont Guardian

Vermont Guardian: In the research for your book, The Price of Fire:
Resource Wars and Social Movements in Bolivia, what did you find to be
the biggest misconception that people in the United States have about
the struggles facing many of the indigenous people in Latin and South
America?

Ben Dangl: There is a lot of romanticizing about the realities of
indigenous struggles in South America, that these groups are all
extremely democratic and united across borders. Many indigenous
organizations in Bolivia for example are very hierarchical and totally
dominated by men. Another misconception is that the electoral victory of
indigenous president Evo Morales in Bolivia is a maximum victory for
indigenous struggles in South America. It is symbolically, culturally
and socially important, and can help to end a certain amount of racism
and disregard for indigenous customs and culture. But outside of just
being president, Evo has to do things to aid in the self-determination
and empowerment of indigenous groups. For this to happen -- both in
Bolivia and elsewhere -- there needs to pressure from below from these
groups for change.

VG: The U.S. media plays a large role in shaping this perception. Are
there media outlets that are covering these struggles fairly and
accurately, or do most mostly follow the Bush administration's lead?

BD: Most large media outlets don’t report on South American issues at
all. When they do, it is often to push an agenda for devastating free
trade policies, or demonize leaders like Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez. The
herd mentality among large media outlets is a big problem, so a lot of
newsworthy material off the beaten path is disregarded. There needs to
be a critical look at the leftist shift in politics and social movements
in Latin America. It’s important to look at the history that led up to
this moment. For independent media it’s important to go beyond simple
cheerleading of any socialistic electoral victory. For people in the
United States to understand what’s happening in South America, there
needs to be media that looks at the good and the bad side of these
leftist leaders and movements. It’s important to report on them honestly
so that U.S. citizens can learn from the failures and successes of
people like Hugo Chavez, Evo Morales, the landless movements in Brazil,
the coca farmers in Bolivia and the worker cooperatives in Argentina.
Simply saying "there is a revolution in South America and everything is
fine" without taking a look at the negative side of these movements
significantly limits what US based groups could learn in order to bring
social change here in the empire. Some resources in English that are
doing excellent reporting on the region include http://www.Nacla.org ,
http://www.Americas.org , http://www.Americaspolicy.org ,
http://www.upsidedownworld.org and http://www.TowardFreedom.com .

VG: What is the future for the region? What economic and social policies
are succeeding that will have longevity beyond any one politician? And,
what nations are next to follow in the footsteps in revolt against
neoliberalism? What nations are likely to continue with neoliberal policies?

BD: There is a large move on the part of progressive governments in
South America to generate a trade bloc outside the sphere of Washington
and harmful neoliberal policies. This regional integration is happening
now, and could provide a long term solution to corporate exploitation
and U.S. imperialism. Cuba, Venezuela and Bolivia are the most radical
of this bloc. Chile, Colombia and Peru are further to the right,
generally speaking. South American liberator Simon Bolivar had a dream
and a mission to unite all of South America. This is happening today.
Washington and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) -- long times
bosses in the region -- are now losing clout in South America. There is
now more of an interest, among the populations and left of center
political leaders, to go down a different socialistic route aimed at
state control of natural resources, increased social spending, and less
crippling debt to institutions like the IMF. Things to look out for in
this regional integration is what kind of environmental destruction are
we talking about with state-controlled mines, oil and gas industries.
Another issue is whether or not these progressive governments are
inclusive enough. Are they bringing diverse voices and movements into
the political realm, or are they consolidating their own power, and
leaving the radical voices that put them in office out of the assemblies
and government palaces.

VG: Will there continue to be these ongoing struggles over access to
resources, or will recent moves to put the state in control of such
resources assuage these fights?

BD: If the government-run water system is sufficient and affordable,
people won’t revolt. If farmers have access to land, if people see their
mineral, oil and gas wealth used nationally, or going toward
developments in healthcare, education and roads, there will be less
conflict. If coca growers can expand their crops and produce in peace,
without U.S.-funded military and police terrorizing them, then they
won’t protest as much. These advances are happening across the
continent, with contradictions and problems, but heading in a positive
direction.

Though the state might be largely in control of gas resources in
Bolivia, Evo’s "nationalization" is more of a renegotiation with
corporations. Bolivia’s state company is still struggling to operate
independently. The right, and the large corporations, the political
elite that have a lot to lose from state-ownership will not give up
fighting. They have the money, connections and experience to fight
against governments like that of Chavez and Morales with the media and
other means.

VG: What resources remain at issues for the people of the region, in
terms of keeping control of their farmland and forests?

BD: The expansion of genetically modified soy crops in Paraguay is
destroying small farmers, their crops, forests and water sources. The
pesticides and herbicides used by soy companies poison water, kill farm
animals and give humans headaches, stomach problems, loss of eyesight
and cancer. Instead of rainforest, animal and plant diversity and
healthy rivers, much of Paraguay is a green sea of soy crops. Those
Paraguayans who don’t sell their land to escape the health problems are
forced to leave by thugs hired by soy companies.

Outside of continued conflicts over gas, oil and minerals, conflicts
over access to fresh water are likely to increase in the coming years.
The Guarani aquifer in Paraguay, Argentina and Brazil, one of the
largest sources of fresh water in the western hemisphere, is likely to
be the source of a future resource war.

VG: Has the move away from the neoliberal policies that embrace more use
of private companies to harvest natural resources slowed down the
extraction of some resources in the region, or merely put profits from
these operations into the hands of the governments?

BD: In Bolivia, the state run company is still struggling to operate
with low funds and a relative lack of expertise and infrastructure. In
Venezuela, this state-run industry is further along in its developments
as Chavez has been in office since 1998, and Evo "nationalized" Bolivian
gas just this past year. In both cases, private and state corporations
are working together for extraction, refinement etc. In Bolivia, the
government is making more money from this business, and has more control
over it. The natural gas industry in Bolivia has gone in and out of
state hands over the past century. This history shows that a state
ownership of the industry can be extremely profitable for the
government, efficiently run and beneficial for Bolivians. In both
Venezuela and Bolivia increased revenue from partially nationalized oil
and gas industries has allowed governments to increase social spending.

***

Benjamin Dangl is the author of The Price of Fire: Resource Wars and
Social Movements in Bolivia (March, 2007 AK Press). He is the editor of
TowardFreedom.com.

This interview was first published in The Vermont Guardian.

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